Changes

The 1850s saw the discovery of gold and large number of people moved to Australia to find new wealth.  Most of these people were British, although there were also many dispossessed by the "land clearings" in Scotland and the [[Irish Potato Famine]], and there was a significant number of Chinese immigrants during this rush. Americans were drawn to Australia to participate in various enterprises such as the gold fields <ref>[http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/statistics/comm-summ/textversion/usa.htm  Australian Dept of Immigration and Citizenship]</ref>

The 1850s saw the discovery of gold and large number of people moved to Australia to find new wealth.  Most of these people were British, although there were also many dispossessed by the "land clearings" in Scotland and the [[Irish Potato Famine]], and there was a significant number of Chinese immigrants during this rush. Americans were drawn to Australia to participate in various enterprises such as the gold fields <ref>[http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/statistics/comm-summ/textversion/usa.htm  Australian Dept of Immigration and Citizenship]</ref>

===Religion===

===Religion===

The first ministers of religion in Australia were essentially convict chaplains. All were Anglican clergy, employed by the state, and as such they were subject to the orders of the governor. This situation began to change in the 1820's. By then there was a substantial population of free settlers, including Catholics and members of other Protestant denominations, who wanted to appoint their own clergy. During this same period, new lay religious and philanthropic organizations were founded, religious newspapers and magazines began to appear, and the evangelical movement, missionary societies, and religious tract societies also began to make themselves felt. All these developments relied heavily on private donations. This in turn allowed free settlers to supplement and extend the work of the clergy. Religion was thus established as an essential ingredient of colonial society by 1840.<ref>Brian H. Fletcher, "Christianity and Free Society in New South Wales 1788-1840," ''Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society'' 2000 86(2): 93-113</ref>  

The first ministers of religion in Australia were essentially convict chaplains. All were Anglican clergy, employed by the state, and as such they were subject to the orders of the governor. This situation began to change in the 1820s. By then there was a substantial population of free settlers, including Catholics and members of other Protestant denominations, who wanted to appoint their own clergy. During this same period, new lay religious and philanthropic organizations were founded, religious newspapers and magazines began to appear, and the evangelical movement, missionary societies, and religious tract societies also began to make themselves felt. All these developments relied heavily on private donations. This in turn allowed free settlers to supplement and extend the work of the clergy. Religion was thus established as an essential ingredient of colonial society by 1840.<ref>Brian H. Fletcher, "Christianity and Free Society in New South Wales 1788-1840," ''Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society'' 2000 86(2): 93-113</ref>  

From 1813 efforts were made to supply the religious needs of British colonists in Australia, first by the Wesleyan Methodists in New South Wales, then by the Anglican Church in alliance with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG), the London Missionary Society (strongly Congregational), the Congregational Union, and the Baptist Colonial Missionary Society. After 1840 there was a new phase of energy on the part of the Anglicans, culminating in the establishment of seven new episcopal sees in Australia by 1863. These activities represented a commitment to Britain's imperial role and reinforced cultural ties with the mother country.  Education and the Church of England were inextricably connected in 19th century Australia.<ref>J. D. Bollen, "English Christianity and the Australian Colonies, 1788-1860" ''Journal of Ecclesiastical History'' 1977 28(4): 361-385</ref>

From 1813 efforts were made to supply the religious needs of British colonists in Australia, first by the Wesleyan Methodists in New South Wales, then by the Anglican Church in alliance with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG), the London Missionary Society (strongly Congregational), the Congregational Union, and the Baptist Colonial Missionary Society. After 1840 there was a new phase of energy on the part of the Anglicans, culminating in the establishment of seven new episcopal sees in Australia by 1863. These activities represented a commitment to Britain's imperial role and reinforced cultural ties with the mother country.  Education and the Church of England were inextricably connected in 19th century Australia.<ref>J. D. Bollen, "English Christianity and the Australian Colonies, 1788-1860" ''Journal of Ecclesiastical History'' 1977 28(4): 361-385</ref>

===Economy===

===Economy===

===Religion and morality===

===Religion and morality===

"Wowser" was a negative term for Christian moralists, especially activists in temperance groups such as the the [[Woman's Christian Temperance Union]]. Historian Stuart Macintyre argues, "the achievements of the wowsers were impressive." They passed laws that restricted obscenity and juvenile smoking, raised the age of consent, limited gambling, closed down many pubs, and in 1915-16 established a 6pm closing hour for pubs, which lasted for decades.<ref>Stuart Macintyre, ''The Oxford History of Australia: vol 4: 1901-42'' (2002) p . 112-3</ref>

"Wowser" was a negative term for Christian moralists, especially activists in temperance groups such as the [[Woman's Christian Temperance Union]]. Historian Stuart Macintyre argues, "the achievements of the wowsers were impressive." They passed laws that restricted obscenity and juvenile smoking, raised the age of consent, limited gambling, closed down many pubs, and in 1915-16 established a 6pm closing hour for pubs, which lasted for decades.<ref>Stuart Macintyre, ''The Oxford History of Australia: vol 4: 1901-42'' (2002) p . 112-3</ref>

Even though church attendance remained low in post-World War II Australia, the majority of non-churchgoers nevertheless identified with a particular denomination and strongly supported Christianity as a bulwark of public morality. In the 1950s Adelaide, Brisbane and other major cities witnessed intensive, largely successful campaigns by the Catholic and various Protestant churches. The campaigns, culminating with that of the American evangelist [[Billy Graham]] in 1959, served to bolster religious observance and also to emphasize the role of Christianity as a moral force and the basis of a secure social order. As a result, church attendance and other indices of formal religious practice were on the increase by the later 1950s.<ref>David Hilliard, "Popular Religion in Australia in the 1950s: A Study of Adelaide and Brisbane." ''Journal of Religious History'' [Australia] 1988 15 (2): 219-235.</ref>

Even though church attendance remained low in post-World War II Australia, the majority of non-churchgoers nevertheless identified with a particular denomination and strongly supported Christianity as a bulwark of public morality. In the 1950s Adelaide, Brisbane and other major cities witnessed intensive, largely successful campaigns by the Catholic and various Protestant churches. The campaigns, culminating with that of the American evangelist [[Billy Graham]] in 1959, served to bolster religious observance and also to emphasize the role of Christianity as a moral force and the basis of a secure social order. As a result, church attendance and other indices of formal religious practice were on the increase by the later 1950s.<ref>David Hilliard, "Popular Religion in Australia in the 1950s: A Study of Adelaide and Brisbane." ''Journal of Religious History'' [Australia] 1988 15 (2): 219-235.</ref>

Between 1950 and 1970, Melbourne became, for the first time since the 1880s, the fastest growing major city in Australia. Perhaps more than any other Australian city it exemplified the modern paradigm of urban growth-high investment in manufacturing, especially of protected consumer products such as cars and electrical goods, high levels of immigration, high levels of car and home ownership and high levels of government intervention in the provision of infrastructure. Melbourne became the main beach-head of American economic and cultural influence and the leading centre of modernist innovation in art, architecture and design.   

Between 1950 and 1970, Melbourne became, for the first time since the 1880s, the fastest growing major city in Australia. Perhaps more than any other Australian city it exemplified the modern paradigm of urban growth-high investment in manufacturing, especially of protected consumer products such as cars and electrical goods, high levels of immigration, high levels of car and home ownership and high levels of government intervention in the provision of infrastructure. Melbourne became the main beach-head of American economic and cultural influence and the leading centre of modernist innovation in art, architecture and design.   

Modernity clashed with traditionalism when Melbourne became host of the 1956 summer Olympics. Journalists speculated that the expected floods of American tourists, accustomed to central heating and prompt room service, would react coldly to the traditional Aussie hotel routine of getting out of bed on to the chilly linoleum, and tip-toeing across the floor to the old-time wash basin and jug. What would sophisticated Frenchmen make of a city where all bars closed at 6 PM?  Melbourne, the sophisticates feared, would be regarded as a hick town, too provincial and too staid to be entrusted with the hosting of a world event.  A small but vocal minority of Labor politicians and welfare workers opposed the Games as an unjustifiable extravagance; in rural Victoria the folk saw the event as yet another treat for city people.  Traditional clergymen feared the approach of that iniquitous institution, the 'Continental Sunday'. However the Chamber of Commerce won the day, hailing the Olympics as a boost to tourism and investment.  Modernist architects and designers embraced the Games as their chance to bring local taste before the bar of international opinion.  The Olympic Pool, for example, won praise for its high originality and imagination.  The hotels were modernized, upper middle class residents took in vistors, and even the Japanese—the hated foes of the 1940s, were made welcome.  In the event the preparations transformed and upgraded Melbourne's self-image as a bastion of modernity, and the rest of the world paid little attention.<ref>Graeme Davison, "Welcoming the World: The 1956 Olympic Games and the Re-Presentation of Melbourne," ''Australian Historical Studies'' 1997 28(109): 64-76 in [[EBSCO]]</ref>

Modernity clashed with traditionalism when Melbourne became host of the 1956 summer Olympics. Journalists speculated that the expected floods of American tourists, accustomed to central heating and prompt room service, would react coldly to the traditional Aussie hotel routine of getting out of bed on to the chilly linoleum, and tip-toeing across the floor to the old-time wash basin and jug. What would sophisticated Frenchmen make of a city where all bars closed at 6 PM?  Melbourne, the sophisticates feared, would be regarded as a hick town, too provincial and too staid to be entrusted with the hosting of a world event.  A small but vocal minority of Labor politicians and welfare workers opposed the Games as an unjustifiable extravagance; in rural Victoria the folk saw the event as yet another treat for city people.  Traditional clergymen feared the approach of that iniquitous institution, the 'Continental Sunday'. However the Chamber of Commerce won the day, hailing the Olympics as a boost to tourism and investment.  Modernist architects and designers embraced the Games as their chance to bring local taste before the bar of international opinion.  The Olympic Pool, for example, won praise for its high originality and imagination.  The hotels were modernized, upper middle class residents took in visitors, and even the Japanese—the hated foes of the 1940s, were made welcome.  In the event the preparations transformed and upgraded Melbourne's self-image as a bastion of modernity, and the rest of the world paid little attention.<ref>Graeme Davison, "Welcoming the World: The 1956 Olympic Games and the Re-Presentation of Melbourne," ''Australian Historical Studies'' 1997 28(109): 64-76 in [[EBSCO]]</ref>

===Sports===

===Sports===

===International Relations and Military===

===International Relations and Military===

* Bridge, Carl ed., ''Munich to Vietnam: Australia's Relations with Britain and the United States since the 1930s,'' Melbourne University Press 1991

* Bridge, Carl ed., ''Munich to Vietnam: Australia's Relations with Britain and the United States since the 1930s,'' Melbourne University Press 1991

* Dennis, Peter, Jeffrey Grey, Ewan Morris, and Robin Prior. ''The Oxford Companion to Australian Military History.'' 1996)  

* Dennis, Peter, Jeffrey Grey, Ewan Morris, and Robin Prior. ''The Oxford Companion to Australian Military History.'' (1996)  

* Firth, Stewart. ''Australia in International Politics: An Introduction to Australian Foreign Policy'' (2005) [http://www.questia.com/read/108662470 online edition]  

* Firth, Stewart. ''Australia in International Politics: An Introduction to Australian Foreign Policy'' (2005) [http://www.questia.com/read/108662470 online edition]  

*  Grant, Ian. ''A Dictionary of Australian Military History - from Colonial Times to the Gulf War'' (1992)  

*  Grant, Ian. ''A Dictionary of Australian Military History - from Colonial Times to the Gulf War'' (1992)  

* Rickard, John, ''Australia: A Cultural History'' (1988)

* Rickard, John, ''Australia: A Cultural History'' (1988)

*  Webby, Elizabeth. ''The Cambridge Companion to Australian Literature'' (2000) [http://www.amazon.com/Cambridge-Companion-Australian-Literature-Companions/dp/0521658438/ref=sr_1_7?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1209696680&sr=8-7 excerpt and text search]

*  Webby, Elizabeth. ''The Cambridge Companion to Australian Literature'' (2000) [http://www.amazon.com/Cambridge-Companion-Australian-Literature-Companions/dp/0521658438/ref=sr_1_7?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1209696680&sr=8-7 excerpt and text search]

* Wilde, William H. et al eds. ''The Oxford Companion to Australian Literature'' (1995) online at [[OUP]] [http://www.amazon.com/Oxford-Companion-Australian-Literature/dp/019553381X/ref=sr_1_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1209696680&sr=8-3 excerpt and text search]

* Wilde, William H. et al. eds. ''The Oxford Companion to Australian Literature'' (1995) online at [[OUP]] [http://www.amazon.com/Oxford-Companion-Australian-Literature/dp/019553381X/ref=sr_1_3?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1209696680&sr=8-3 excerpt and text search]

* ''The Oxford Literary History of Australia.''  

* ''The Oxford Literary History of Australia.''  

* Samuels, Selina, ed.  ''Australian Writers, 1915-50.'' (2002). 510 pp.

* Samuels, Selina, ed.  ''Australian Writers, 1915-50.'' (2002). 510 pp.