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| | The province is officially the '''Province of Newfoundland and Labrador''' and includes all of the island of Newfoundland, as well as Labrador, a large, lightly populated area of mainland. Before 2001 the official name was "Newfoundland," and most people still call it that, for Labrador has only 28,000 people or 6% of the total population. Since World War II, people from Newfoundland are often called "newfies", a term that the locals dislike, and disparaging jokes about stupidity are common in Canada.<ref>see George Morley Story et al. ''Dictionary of Newfoundland English'' (1990) [http://books.google.com/books?id=XrVbk3EndTcC&pg=PA343&dq=newfies&lr=&as_drrb_is=q&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=&num=30&as_brr=0#v=onepage&q=newfies&f=false p. 343 online]</ref> The capital is [[St. John's]]. The total area is 405,720 km<sup>2</sup>. | | The province is officially the '''Province of Newfoundland and Labrador''' and includes all of the island of Newfoundland, as well as Labrador, a large, lightly populated area of mainland. Before 2001 the official name was "Newfoundland," and most people still call it that, for Labrador has only 28,000 people or 6% of the total population. Since World War II, people from Newfoundland are often called "newfies", a term that the locals dislike, and disparaging jokes about stupidity are common in Canada.<ref>see George Morley Story et al. ''Dictionary of Newfoundland English'' (1990) [http://books.google.com/books?id=XrVbk3EndTcC&pg=PA343&dq=newfies&lr=&as_drrb_is=q&as_minm_is=0&as_miny_is=&as_maxm_is=0&as_maxy_is=&num=30&as_brr=0#v=onepage&q=newfies&f=false p. 343 online]</ref> The capital is [[St. John's]]. The total area is 405,720 km<sup>2</sup>. |
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| − | Newfoundland became a self governing dominion in 1855, but lost independence when it went bankrupt in the 1930s, and reverted to the status of a colony ruled by London. Wartime prosperity gave the colony the chance to choose its own future, and after a hotly contested vote it joined Canada in 1949. | + | Newfoundland became a self-governing dominion in 1855, but lost independence when it went bankrupt in the 1930s, and reverted to the status of a colony ruled by London. Wartime prosperity gave the colony the chance to choose its own future, and after a hotly contested vote it joined Canada in 1949. |
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| | The population in 2009 was 509,000, only 1.6% of the national total. Many residents migrate permanently, and in recent years there has been a large temporary migration to the oilfields of Alberta. Since the utter collapse of the cod fisheries in the 1990s, and the failure of various government sponsored industrialization schemes, the economy has been hard-pressed. The per capita provincial income of $CAN 30,500 (2008) is well below the national average. | | The population in 2009 was 509,000, only 1.6% of the national total. Many residents migrate permanently, and in recent years there has been a large temporary migration to the oilfields of Alberta. Since the utter collapse of the cod fisheries in the 1990s, and the failure of various government sponsored industrialization schemes, the economy has been hard-pressed. The per capita provincial income of $CAN 30,500 (2008) is well below the national average. |
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| | After 1945, the fishing economy was transformed from a predominately labor-intensive inshore, household-based, saltfish-producing enterprise into an industrialized economy dominated by vertically integrated frozen fish companies. These efficient companies needed fewer workers, so about 300 fishing villages, or outports, were abandoned by their residents between 1954 and 1975 as part of a Canadian government-sponsored program known as the Resettlement. Some areas lost 20% of their population, and enrollment in schools dropped even more. | | After 1945, the fishing economy was transformed from a predominately labor-intensive inshore, household-based, saltfish-producing enterprise into an industrialized economy dominated by vertically integrated frozen fish companies. These efficient companies needed fewer workers, so about 300 fishing villages, or outports, were abandoned by their residents between 1954 and 1975 as part of a Canadian government-sponsored program known as the Resettlement. Some areas lost 20% of their population, and enrollment in schools dropped even more. |
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| − | In the 1960s, some 2 billion pounds of cod were harvested annually from the Grand Bank off Newfoundland, the world's largest source of fish. Then disaster hit. The northern cod practically vanished—they were reduced to 1% of their historic spawning biomass. In 1992, the cod fishery was shut down by the Canadian government; cod fishing as a way of life came to an end for 19,000 workers after a 500 year history as a main industry.<ref>Dean Louis Yelwa Bavington, "Of Fish and People: Managerial Ecology in Newfoundland and Labrador Cod Fisheries." PhD dissertation Wilfrid Laurier U. 2005. 293 pp. DAI 2006 66(11): 4133-A. DANR09915 Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]. Michael Harris, ''Lament for an Ocean: The Collapse of the Atlantic Cod Fishery, a True Crime Story.'' (1998) is a popular account.</ref> | + | In the 1960s, some 2 billion pounds of cod were harvested annually from the Grand Bank off Newfoundland, the world's largest source of fish. Then disaster hit. The northern cod practically vanished—they were reduced to 1% of their historic spawning biomass. In 1992, the cod fishery was shut down by the Canadian government; cod fishing as a way of life came to an end for 19,000 workers after a 500-year history as a main industry.<ref>Dean Louis Yelwa Bavington, "Of Fish and People: Managerial Ecology in Newfoundland and Labrador Cod Fisheries." PhD dissertation Wilfrid Laurier U. 2005. 293 pp. DAI 2006 66(11): 4133-A. DANR09915 Fulltext: [[ProQuest Dissertations & Theses]]. Michael Harris, ''Lament for an Ocean: The Collapse of the Atlantic Cod Fishery, a True Crime Story.'' (1998) is a popular account.</ref> |
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| | The fishing crisis of the 1990s saw the already precarious economic base of the many towns further eroded. The situation was made worse by both federal and provincial pursuit of programs of economic liberalization that sought to limit the role of the state in economic and social affairs. As the effects of the crisis were felt, and established state supports were weakened, tourism was embraced by a growing body of local development and heritage organizations as a way of restoring the shattered economic base of many communities. Limited, short-term funding for some tourism-related projects was provided mostly from government programs, largely as a means of politically managing the structural adjustment that was being pursued.<ref>James Overton, "'A Future in the Past'? Tourism Development, Outport Archaeology, and the Politics of Deindustrialization in Newfoundland and Labrador in the 1990s." ''Urban History Review'' 2007 35(2): 60-74. Issn: 0703-0428 | | The fishing crisis of the 1990s saw the already precarious economic base of the many towns further eroded. The situation was made worse by both federal and provincial pursuit of programs of economic liberalization that sought to limit the role of the state in economic and social affairs. As the effects of the crisis were felt, and established state supports were weakened, tourism was embraced by a growing body of local development and heritage organizations as a way of restoring the shattered economic base of many communities. Limited, short-term funding for some tourism-related projects was provided mostly from government programs, largely as a means of politically managing the structural adjustment that was being pursued.<ref>James Overton, "'A Future in the Past'? Tourism Development, Outport Archaeology, and the Politics of Deindustrialization in Newfoundland and Labrador in the 1990s." ''Urban History Review'' 2007 35(2): 60-74. Issn: 0703-0428 |
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| | ===17th-18th centuries=== | | ===17th-18th centuries=== |
| − | Explorers soon realized that the waters around Newfoundland provided the best fishing in the North Atlantic. By 1620, 300 fishing vessels a year worked the the Grand Bank, employing some 10,000 sailors; many were French or Basques from Spain. They dried and salted the cod on the coast and sold it to Spain and Portugal. Heavy investment by Sir George Calvert, 1st Baron Baltimore, in the 1620s in wharves, warehouses, and fishing stations failed to pay off. French raids hurt the business, and the weather was terrible, so he redirected his attention to [[Maryland]] colony.<ref>See Allan M. Fraser, "Calvert, Sir George" [http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=34225&query=george%20AND%20calvert ''Dictionary of Canadian Biography'' online]</ref> After Calvert left small-scale entrepreneurs such as Sir David Kirke made good use of the facilities. Kirke became the first governor in 1639.<ref>John S. Moir, "Kirke, Sir David," [http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=34435&query=David%20AND%20Kirke ''Dictionary of Canadian Biography'' online]</ref> A triangular trade with New England, the West Indies, and Europe gave Newfoundland an important economic role. By the 1670s there were 1700 permanent residents and another 4500 in the summer months. | + | Explorers soon realized that the waters around Newfoundland provided the best fishing in the North Atlantic. By 1620, 300 fishing vessels a year worked the Grand Bank, employing some 10,000 sailors; many were French or Basques from Spain. They dried and salted the cod on the coast and sold it to Spain and Portugal. Heavy investment by Sir George Calvert, 1st Baron Baltimore, in the 1620s in wharves, warehouses, and fishing stations failed to pay off. French raids hurt the business, and the weather was terrible, so he redirected his attention to [[Maryland]] colony.<ref>See Allan M. Fraser, "Calvert, Sir George" [http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=34225&query=george%20AND%20calvert ''Dictionary of Canadian Biography'' online]</ref> After Calvert left small-scale entrepreneurs such as Sir David Kirke made good use of the facilities. Kirke became the first governor in 1639.<ref>John S. Moir, "Kirke, Sir David," [http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=34435&query=David%20AND%20Kirke ''Dictionary of Canadian Biography'' online]</ref> A triangular trade with New England, the West Indies, and Europe gave Newfoundland an important economic role. By the 1670s there were 1700 permanent residents and another 4500 in the summer months. |
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| | The "admiral" system, by which the first captain arriving in a particular bay was in charge of allocating suitable shoreline sites for curing fish, was slowly replaced after 1700. Fishing-boat captains tried to arrive early from Europe each season in an attempt to become the admiral; soon merchant companies left crewmen behind at the prime shoreline locations to lay claim to the sites. This was a precursor to the establishment of private property and led to "bye-boat" fishing, wherein local, small-boat crews fished certain spots for the summer, claimed a strip of land as their own, and sold their catches to the migratory fishers. Bye-boat fishing then led to increased residency on the island, which in turn led to the elimination of migratory fishing enterprises as resident fishing became more profitable in the 18th century.<ref>Kenneth Norrie and Rick Szostak, "Allocating Property Rights over Shoreline: Institutional Change in the Newfoundland Inshore Fishery." ''Newfoundland and Labrador Studies'' 2005 20(2): 234-263. Issn: 0823-1737</ref> | | The "admiral" system, by which the first captain arriving in a particular bay was in charge of allocating suitable shoreline sites for curing fish, was slowly replaced after 1700. Fishing-boat captains tried to arrive early from Europe each season in an attempt to become the admiral; soon merchant companies left crewmen behind at the prime shoreline locations to lay claim to the sites. This was a precursor to the establishment of private property and led to "bye-boat" fishing, wherein local, small-boat crews fished certain spots for the summer, claimed a strip of land as their own, and sold their catches to the migratory fishers. Bye-boat fishing then led to increased residency on the island, which in turn led to the elimination of migratory fishing enterprises as resident fishing became more profitable in the 18th century.<ref>Kenneth Norrie and Rick Szostak, "Allocating Property Rights over Shoreline: Institutional Change in the Newfoundland Inshore Fishery." ''Newfoundland and Labrador Studies'' 2005 20(2): 234-263. Issn: 0823-1737</ref> |
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| | Sir Robert Bond (1857–1927) was a Newfoundland nationalist who insisted upon the colony's equality of status with Canada, and opposed joining the confederation. Bond promoted the completion of a railway across the island (started in 1881) because it would open access to valuable minerals and timber and reduce the almost total dependence on the cod fisheries. He advocated closer economic ties with the United States, and distrusted London for ignoring the island's viewpoint on the controversial issue of allowing French fisherman to process lobsters on the French Coast, and for blocking a trade deal with the U.S. Bond became Liberal Party leader in 1899 and premier in 1900. In 1904 he helped negotiate the end of all French fishing rights, and was reelected in a landslide. His efforts to restrict the rights of American fishermen failed. His party was badly defeated in 1909 and Bond proved an ineffective opposition leader.<ref>James K. Hiller, "Bond, Sir Robert (1857–1927)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' (2004); online edition, Jan 2008</ref> Bond formed a coalition with the new Fishermen's Protective Union ('''FPU'''), led by William Ford Coaker. Founded in 1908, the FPU promised to increase the incomes of fishermen by breaking the merchants' monopoly on the purchase and export of fish and the retailing of supplies, and wanted to revitalize the fishery through state intervention. It appealed to Protestants, and morphed into a political party in 1912, the Fisherman's Union party.<ref>See [http://www.infonet.st-johns.nf.ca/providers/green/fpu.html "The Fisherman's Protective Union"]</ref> Bond was succeeded as premier by Edward Morris (1859–1935), a prominent Catholic and founder of the new People's Party. Morris began a grandiose program of building branch railways, and adeptly handled the arbitration at the Hague tribunal on American fishing rights. He introduced old-age pensions, and increased investment in education and rural infrastructure. In the prosperous and peaceful year of 1913 he was reelected. | | Sir Robert Bond (1857–1927) was a Newfoundland nationalist who insisted upon the colony's equality of status with Canada, and opposed joining the confederation. Bond promoted the completion of a railway across the island (started in 1881) because it would open access to valuable minerals and timber and reduce the almost total dependence on the cod fisheries. He advocated closer economic ties with the United States, and distrusted London for ignoring the island's viewpoint on the controversial issue of allowing French fisherman to process lobsters on the French Coast, and for blocking a trade deal with the U.S. Bond became Liberal Party leader in 1899 and premier in 1900. In 1904 he helped negotiate the end of all French fishing rights, and was reelected in a landslide. His efforts to restrict the rights of American fishermen failed. His party was badly defeated in 1909 and Bond proved an ineffective opposition leader.<ref>James K. Hiller, "Bond, Sir Robert (1857–1927)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' (2004); online edition, Jan 2008</ref> Bond formed a coalition with the new Fishermen's Protective Union ('''FPU'''), led by William Ford Coaker. Founded in 1908, the FPU promised to increase the incomes of fishermen by breaking the merchants' monopoly on the purchase and export of fish and the retailing of supplies, and wanted to revitalize the fishery through state intervention. It appealed to Protestants, and morphed into a political party in 1912, the Fisherman's Union party.<ref>See [http://www.infonet.st-johns.nf.ca/providers/green/fpu.html "The Fisherman's Protective Union"]</ref> Bond was succeeded as premier by Edward Morris (1859–1935), a prominent Catholic and founder of the new People's Party. Morris began a grandiose program of building branch railways, and adeptly handled the arbitration at the Hague tribunal on American fishing rights. He introduced old-age pensions, and increased investment in education and rural infrastructure. In the prosperous and peaceful year of 1913 he was reelected. |
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| − | The [[World War I, Homefront|First World War]] was supported with near unanimity in Newfoundland. Recruiting was brisk, with 6,240 men joining the Newfoundland Regiment for overseas duty, 1,966 joining the Royal Navy, 491 joined the Forestry Corps (which did lumberjack work at home), plus another 3,300 men joined Canadian units, and 40 women became war nurses. Without convening the legislature, Premier Morris and the royal governor, Sir Walter Davidson created the Newfoundland Patriotic Association, a politically neutral body involving both citizens and politicians, to supervise the war effort until 1917. With inflation soaring and corruption rampant, with prohibition of liquor in effect and and fears of conscription apparent, the Association gave way to an all-party National Government. Morris was given a peerage as first Baron Morris, the only Newfoundlander ever so honored, and removed to London. The conscription issue was not as intense as in Canada, but it weakened the Fisherman's Union party, as its leaders supported conscription and most members opposed it. The Fisherman's party then merged into the Liberal-Unionist Party and faded away as an independent force.<ref>James K. Hiller, "Morris, Edward Patrick, first Baron Morris (1859–1935)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,''(2004); online edition, Jan 2008; and [http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/nfldhistory/1917NewfoundlandWar.htm "Newfoundland and the First World War" in ''The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1917'' (1918) pp. 187-190]</ref> | + | The [[World War I, Homefront|First World War]] was supported with near unanimity in Newfoundland. Recruiting was brisk, with 6,240 men joining the Newfoundland Regiment for overseas duty, 1,966 joining the Royal Navy, 491 joined the Forestry Corps (which did lumberjack work at home), plus another 3,300 men joined Canadian units, and 40 women became war nurses. Without convening the legislature, Premier Morris and the royal governor, Sir Walter Davidson created the Newfoundland Patriotic Association, a politically neutral body involving both citizens and politicians, to supervise the war effort until 1917. With inflation soaring and corruption rampant, with prohibition of liquor in effect and fears of conscription apparent, the Association gave way to an all-party National Government. Morris was given a peerage as first Baron Morris, the only Newfoundlander ever so honored, and removed to London. The conscription issue was not as intense as in Canada, but it weakened the Fisherman's Union party, as its leaders supported conscription and most members opposed it. The Fisherman's party then merged into the Liberal-Unionist Party and faded away as an independent force.<ref>James K. Hiller, "Morris, Edward Patrick, first Baron Morris (1859–1935)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,''(2004); online edition, Jan 2008; and [http://faculty.marianopolis.edu/c.belanger/nfldhistory/1917NewfoundlandWar.htm "Newfoundland and the First World War" in ''The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1917'' (1918) pp. 187-190]</ref> |
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| | During the great Battle of the Somme in 1916, the British assaulted the German trenches near Beaumont Hamel, in France. On the first day of the battle, July 1, 1916, the eight-hundred-man Royal Newfoundland Regiment attacked as part of a British brigade. Almost all the Newfoundlanders, including all the officers, were killed or wounded without anyone in the regiment having fired a shot. The state, church, and press recognized the sacrifice Newfoundlanders had made in the war effort through ceremonies, war literature, and memorials, the most important of which was the Beaumont Hamel Memorial Park, which opened in France in 1925. The story of the heroic sacrifice of the regiment in 1916 served as a cultural inspiration.<ref>Robert J. Harding, "Glorious Tragedy: Newfoundland's Cultural Memory of the Attack at Beaumont Hamel, 1916-1925." ''Newfoundland and Labrador Studies'' 2006 21(1): 3-40. Issn: 0823-1737</ref> In Newfoundland, July 1 is observed as Memorial Day, a day of remembrance, whereas other provinces celebrate the same day as Canada Day, commemorating the passing of the Constitution Act on July 1, 1867. | | During the great Battle of the Somme in 1916, the British assaulted the German trenches near Beaumont Hamel, in France. On the first day of the battle, July 1, 1916, the eight-hundred-man Royal Newfoundland Regiment attacked as part of a British brigade. Almost all the Newfoundlanders, including all the officers, were killed or wounded without anyone in the regiment having fired a shot. The state, church, and press recognized the sacrifice Newfoundlanders had made in the war effort through ceremonies, war literature, and memorials, the most important of which was the Beaumont Hamel Memorial Park, which opened in France in 1925. The story of the heroic sacrifice of the regiment in 1916 served as a cultural inspiration.<ref>Robert J. Harding, "Glorious Tragedy: Newfoundland's Cultural Memory of the Attack at Beaumont Hamel, 1916-1925." ''Newfoundland and Labrador Studies'' 2006 21(1): 3-40. Issn: 0823-1737</ref> In Newfoundland, July 1 is observed as Memorial Day, a day of remembrance, whereas other provinces celebrate the same day as Canada Day, commemorating the passing of the Constitution Act on July 1, 1867. |
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| | International capital was increasingly attracted to the island's natural resources. A Canadian firm opened iron mines in 1895 on Bell Island in Conception Bay. Paper mills were built at Grand Falls by the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company, a British firm, in 1909. British entrepreneurs set up a paper mill at Corner Brook in 1925 while the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company opened a lead-zinc mine on the Buchans River in 1927. In 1927, Britain awarded the vast, almost uninhabited hinterland of Labrador to Newfoundland rather than to Canada, adding potentially valuable new forest, hydroelectric, and mineral resources. | | International capital was increasingly attracted to the island's natural resources. A Canadian firm opened iron mines in 1895 on Bell Island in Conception Bay. Paper mills were built at Grand Falls by the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company, a British firm, in 1909. British entrepreneurs set up a paper mill at Corner Brook in 1925 while the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company opened a lead-zinc mine on the Buchans River in 1927. In 1927, Britain awarded the vast, almost uninhabited hinterland of Labrador to Newfoundland rather than to Canada, adding potentially valuable new forest, hydroelectric, and mineral resources. |
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| − | Politically the years from 1916 to 1925 were turbulent, as six successive governments failed, widespread corruption was uncovered, and the the postwar boom ended in economic stagnation. Labour unions were active, as Joseph Smallwood founded the Newfoundland Federation of Labour in the early 1920s. | + | Politically the years from 1916 to 1925 were turbulent, as six successive governments failed, widespread corruption was uncovered, and the postwar boom ended in economic stagnation. Labour unions were active, as Joseph Smallwood founded the Newfoundland Federation of Labour in the early 1920s. |
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| | ===Commission on Government 1934=== | | ===Commission on Government 1934=== |
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| | As soon as prosperity returned (in 1942), agitation began to end the Commission. Newfoundland, with a population of 313,000 (plus 5,200 in Labrador), seemed too small to be independent. [[Joey Smallwood|Joseph "Joey" Smallwood]] (1900–91) was a well-known radio personality, writer and organizer; he was a nationalist who long had criticized British rule. In 1945 London announced that a National Convention would be elected in Newfoundland to advise on what constitutional choices should to be voted on by referendum. Union with the United States was a possibility, but London rejected the option and offered instead two options, return to dominion status or continuation of the unpopular Commission. Canada issued an invitation to join it on generous financial terms. Smallwood was elected to the convention where he became the leading proponent of confederation with Canada, insisting, "Today we are more disposed to feel that our very manhood, our very creation by God, entitles us to standards of life no lower than our brothers on the mainland." Displaying a mastery of propaganda technique, courage and ruthlessness, he succeeded in having the Canada option on the ballot. His main opponents were Peter J. Cashin and Chesley A. Crosbie. Cashin, a former finance minister, led the Responsible Government League, warning against cheap Canadian imports and the high Canadian income tax. Crosbie, a leader of the fishing industry, led the Economic Unionists, seeking responsible government first, to be followed by closer ties with the United States, which could be a major source of capital. Smallwood carried his cause in a hard-fought referendum and a runoff in June–July 1948 as the decision to join Canada (rather than become an independent dominion) carried 77,869, as against 71,464, or 52.3%. A strong rural vote in favor of Canada overwhelmed the pro-independence vote in the capital of St. John's. The Irish Catholics in the city desired independence in order to protect their parochial schools, leading to a Protestant backlash in rural areas.<ref>The Catholic schools were nationalized in 1998 over strong Catholic objections. See John Edward Fitzgerald, "Archbishop E. P. Roche, J. R. Smallwood, and Denominational Rights in Newfoundland Education, 1948." ''Historical Studies: Canadian Catholic Historical Association'' 1999 65: 28-49. Issn: 1193-1981</ref> The promise of cash family allowances from Canada proved decisive. | | As soon as prosperity returned (in 1942), agitation began to end the Commission. Newfoundland, with a population of 313,000 (plus 5,200 in Labrador), seemed too small to be independent. [[Joey Smallwood|Joseph "Joey" Smallwood]] (1900–91) was a well-known radio personality, writer and organizer; he was a nationalist who long had criticized British rule. In 1945 London announced that a National Convention would be elected in Newfoundland to advise on what constitutional choices should to be voted on by referendum. Union with the United States was a possibility, but London rejected the option and offered instead two options, return to dominion status or continuation of the unpopular Commission. Canada issued an invitation to join it on generous financial terms. Smallwood was elected to the convention where he became the leading proponent of confederation with Canada, insisting, "Today we are more disposed to feel that our very manhood, our very creation by God, entitles us to standards of life no lower than our brothers on the mainland." Displaying a mastery of propaganda technique, courage and ruthlessness, he succeeded in having the Canada option on the ballot. His main opponents were Peter J. Cashin and Chesley A. Crosbie. Cashin, a former finance minister, led the Responsible Government League, warning against cheap Canadian imports and the high Canadian income tax. Crosbie, a leader of the fishing industry, led the Economic Unionists, seeking responsible government first, to be followed by closer ties with the United States, which could be a major source of capital. Smallwood carried his cause in a hard-fought referendum and a runoff in June–July 1948 as the decision to join Canada (rather than become an independent dominion) carried 77,869, as against 71,464, or 52.3%. A strong rural vote in favor of Canada overwhelmed the pro-independence vote in the capital of St. John's. The Irish Catholics in the city desired independence in order to protect their parochial schools, leading to a Protestant backlash in rural areas.<ref>The Catholic schools were nationalized in 1998 over strong Catholic objections. See John Edward Fitzgerald, "Archbishop E. P. Roche, J. R. Smallwood, and Denominational Rights in Newfoundland Education, 1948." ''Historical Studies: Canadian Catholic Historical Association'' 1999 65: 28-49. Issn: 1193-1981</ref> The promise of cash family allowances from Canada proved decisive. |
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| − | According to the terms, Newfoundland would again have its own legislature and full local self-government, as well as seven members of the Canadian House of Commons. Canada assumed the Newfoundland debt of $63 million and and in return Canada would keep the income, corporation, and customs revenue. Newfoundlanders would immediately get Canadian welfare benefits and the province would be paid about $3 million annually, plus a transitional grant, starting at $6.5 million then phasing out over 12 years. "We are all Canadians now," exculted one minister; "Now it can truly be said that Canada stretches from sea to sea."<ref>Om Smallwood see Harold Howood, ''Joey'' (1989) and Richard Gwyn, ''Smallwood: The Unlikely Revolutionary'' (1968)</ref> | + | According to the terms, Newfoundland would again have its own legislature and full local self-government, as well as seven members of the Canadian House of Commons. Canada assumed the Newfoundland debt of $63 million and in return Canada would keep the income, corporation, and customs revenue. Newfoundlanders would immediately get Canadian welfare benefits and the province would be paid about $3 million annually, plus a transitional grant, starting at $6.5 million then phasing out over 12 years. "We are all Canadians now," exculted one minister; "Now it can truly be said that Canada stretches from sea to sea."<ref>Om Smallwood see Harold Howood, ''Joey'' (1989) and Richard Gwyn, ''Smallwood: The Unlikely Revolutionary'' (1968)</ref> |
| | ====Smallwood era==== | | ====Smallwood era==== |
| | [[Joey Smallwood]] was elected the Liberal party premier of Newfoundland (1949 to 1972), as the demoralized anti-confederates became the provincial wing of the Progressive Conservative Party. Smallwood's style was autocratic and highly personalized, as he totally controlled his party. He vigorously promoted promoted economic development through the Economic Development Plan of 1951, championed the welfare state (paid for by Ottawa), and attracted favorable attention across Canada. He emphasized modernization of education and transportation in order to attract outsiders, such as German industrialists, because the local economic elite would not invest in industrial development. Smallwood dropped his youthful socialism and collaborated with bankers, and became hostile to the militant unions that sponsored numerous strikes. His efforts to promote industrialization were a mixed bag, with great success primarily in hydroelectricity, iron mining and paper mills. He upgraded the small Memorial University College in St John's, to Memorial University in 1949, with free tuition and a cash salary for students. | | [[Joey Smallwood]] was elected the Liberal party premier of Newfoundland (1949 to 1972), as the demoralized anti-confederates became the provincial wing of the Progressive Conservative Party. Smallwood's style was autocratic and highly personalized, as he totally controlled his party. He vigorously promoted promoted economic development through the Economic Development Plan of 1951, championed the welfare state (paid for by Ottawa), and attracted favorable attention across Canada. He emphasized modernization of education and transportation in order to attract outsiders, such as German industrialists, because the local economic elite would not invest in industrial development. Smallwood dropped his youthful socialism and collaborated with bankers, and became hostile to the militant unions that sponsored numerous strikes. His efforts to promote industrialization were a mixed bag, with great success primarily in hydroelectricity, iron mining and paper mills. He upgraded the small Memorial University College in St John's, to Memorial University in 1949, with free tuition and a cash salary for students. |
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| | ===National identity=== | | ===National identity=== |
| − | Nationalist sentiment in the 21st century is a powerful force in Newfoundland politics and culture. But that was a development of the late 20th century, for in the 1940s it was not strong enough to stop confederation with Canada. A Newfoundland identity was first articulated in the 1840s, embodied in a distinction between English-born and native-born Newfoundland residents.The relative absence of a strong sense of belonging to an independent country was the underlying reason for Joseph Smallwood's referendum victory. Most islanders were descendants of immigrants from either Ireland or the English West Country. It took centuries for them to view themselves as Newfoundlanders first and foremost. Gregory (2004) tried to date the transition from old (European) to new (Newfoundland) in the outport communities using vernacular song texts. Use of three collections of Newfoundland songs<ref>Gerald Doyle, ed. ''The Old Time Songs and Poetry of Newfoundland'' (1927); Elisabeth Greenleaf, ''Ballads and Sea Songs from Newfoundland'' (1968); and Maud Karpeles, ed. ''Folk Songs from Newfoundland'' (1971)</ref> demonstrates how by 1930 or so a Newfoundland song culture had replaced earlier cultural traditions. These songs suggest that the island was still a cultural mosaic; some outports were completely Irish, others were English, and in a few ethnically mixed communities, including St. John's, there was an emergent, home-grown, patriotic song culture. Cultural nationalism was still a minority tradition in the Newfoundland of 1930.<ref>E. David Gregory, "Vernacular Song, Cultural Identity, and Nationalism in Newfoundland, 1920-1955," ''History of Intellectual Culture'' 2004 4(1). Issn: 1492-7810 [http://www.ucalgary.ca/hic/hic/website/2004vol4no1/framesets/2004vol4no1gregoryarticleframeset.htm online edition]</ref> After joining Canada in 1949, Newfoundland culture underwent a significant transformation, notably in the cultural revival of the 1970s, which extolled the virtues of of the people before they were hit with efficiency, centralization, and modernity. The "Ode to Newfoundland" is sung with as much enthusiasm in the taverns of Toronto and Calgary as on the island itself. Traditional Newfoundland heritage enjoyed a renaissance in the arts and crafts. Celebrations of outport life have been combined with a long-standing sense of victimization, offering a parade of historical scapegoats from the fishing admirals to powerful merchants used to explain relative backwardness and failure. Atlantic Canadians increasingly share an angle of vision derived in large part from the unpleasant fact that, compared to the mainland, the Atlantic region is both economically poor and politically weak, and growing more so. Nevertheless Atlantic Canadians have so far rejected political union.<ref>Shane O'Dea, "Culture and Country: the Role of the Arts and Heritage in the Nationalist Revival in Newfoundland." ''Newfoundland Studies'' 2003 19(2): 378-386; Margaret R. Conrad and James K. Hiller, ''Atlantic Canada: A Region in the Making'' (2001) pp 1-11.</ref> | + | Nationalist sentiment in the 21st century is a powerful force in Newfoundland politics and culture. But that was a development of the late 20th century, for in the 1940s it was not strong enough to stop confederation with Canada. A Newfoundland identity was first articulated in the 1840s, embodied in a distinction between English-born and native-born Newfoundland residents.The relative absence of a strong sense of belonging to an independent country was the underlying reason for Joseph Smallwood's referendum victory. Most islanders were descendants of immigrants from either Ireland or the English West Country. It took centuries for them to view themselves as Newfoundlanders first and foremost. Gregory (2004) tried to date the transition from old (European) to new (Newfoundland) in the outport communities using vernacular song texts. Use of three collections of Newfoundland songs<ref>Gerald Doyle, ed. ''The Old Time Songs and Poetry of Newfoundland'' (1927); Elisabeth Greenleaf, ''Ballads and Sea Songs from Newfoundland'' (1968); and Maud Karpeles, ed. ''Folk Songs from Newfoundland'' (1971)</ref> demonstrates how by 1930 or so a Newfoundland song culture had replaced earlier cultural traditions. These songs suggest that the island was still a cultural mosaic; some outports were completely Irish, others were English, and in a few ethnically mixed communities, including St. John's, there was an emergent, home-grown, patriotic song culture. Cultural nationalism was still a minority tradition in the Newfoundland of 1930.<ref>E. David Gregory, "Vernacular Song, Cultural Identity, and Nationalism in Newfoundland, 1920-1955," ''History of Intellectual Culture'' 2004 4(1). Issn: 1492-7810 [http://www.ucalgary.ca/hic/hic/website/2004vol4no1/framesets/2004vol4no1gregoryarticleframeset.htm online edition]</ref> After joining Canada in 1949, Newfoundland culture underwent a significant transformation, notably in the cultural revival of the 1970s, which extolled the virtues of the people before they were hit with efficiency, centralization, and modernity. The "Ode to Newfoundland" is sung with as much enthusiasm in the taverns of Toronto and Calgary as on the island itself. Traditional Newfoundland heritage enjoyed a renaissance in the arts and crafts. Celebrations of outport life have been combined with a long-standing sense of victimization, offering a parade of historical scapegoats from the fishing admirals to powerful merchants used to explain relative backwardness and failure. Atlantic Canadians increasingly share an angle of vision derived in large part from the unpleasant fact that, compared to the mainland, the Atlantic region is both economically poor and politically weak, and growing more so. Nevertheless, Atlantic Canadians have so far rejected political union.<ref>Shane O'Dea, "Culture and Country: the Role of the Arts and Heritage in the Nationalist Revival in Newfoundland." ''Newfoundland Studies'' 2003 19(2): 378-386; Margaret R. Conrad and James K. Hiller, ''Atlantic Canada: A Region in the Making'' (2001) pp 1-11.</ref> |
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| | Wayne Johnston's prize-winning novel ''The Colony of Unrequited Dreams'' (1999)<ref>See [http://www.amazon.com/Colony-Unrequited-Dreams-Novel/dp/0385495439/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1206502991&sr=8-2 excerpts and text search at Amazon.com]</ref> develops insights into the unique identity of the islanders and challenges prevailing misconceptions about the area among both residents and outsiders. The protagonist of the book is premier Joey Smallwood, with focus on his advocacy of confederation with Canada. Chafe (2003) sees the novel in terms of postcolonial literature with its attendant themes of displacement, identity, and history. Chafe explores Johnston's use of the phrase "scuttlework of empire" and its many interpretations of the often troubled relationship between the British Empire and Newfoundland settlers.<ref>Paul Chafe, "'The Scuttlework of Empire': a Postcolonial Reading of Wayne Johnston's ''The Colony of Unrequited Dreams''". ''Newfoundland Studies'' 2003 19(2): 322-346.</ref> | | Wayne Johnston's prize-winning novel ''The Colony of Unrequited Dreams'' (1999)<ref>See [http://www.amazon.com/Colony-Unrequited-Dreams-Novel/dp/0385495439/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1206502991&sr=8-2 excerpts and text search at Amazon.com]</ref> develops insights into the unique identity of the islanders and challenges prevailing misconceptions about the area among both residents and outsiders. The protagonist of the book is premier Joey Smallwood, with focus on his advocacy of confederation with Canada. Chafe (2003) sees the novel in terms of postcolonial literature with its attendant themes of displacement, identity, and history. Chafe explores Johnston's use of the phrase "scuttlework of empire" and its many interpretations of the often troubled relationship between the British Empire and Newfoundland settlers.<ref>Paul Chafe, "'The Scuttlework of Empire': a Postcolonial Reading of Wayne Johnston's ''The Colony of Unrequited Dreams''". ''Newfoundland Studies'' 2003 19(2): 322-346.</ref> |