Changes

===Dechristianization===

===Dechristianization===

The challenge to the rich, powerful Catholic Church came at first from intellectuals, who secretly circulated pamphlets that undercut traditional dogma. Some promoted [[atheism]].  The early years of the Revolution reversed the power relationship between belief and unbelief in France. The established Church was discredited, leading priests and bishops were forced into exile or executed, its churches and seminaries closed, its beliefs and rituals held up to ridicule. A strident unbelief became a political factor in public life, as seen in the intensity of the anticlerical dechristianisation. The French Revolution inspired skeptics across Europe to put the irreligious ideas of the [[Enlightenment]] into practice.<ref>See [http://www.investigatingatheism.info/historyeighteenth.html Investigating Atheism]</ref>}}

The challenge to the rich, powerful Catholic Church came at first from intellectuals, who secretly circulated pamphlets that undercut traditional dogma. Some promoted [[atheism]].  The early years of the Revolution reversed the power relationship between belief and unbelief in France. The established Church was discredited, leading priests and bishops were forced into exile or executed, its churches and seminaries closed, its beliefs and rituals held up to ridicule. A strident unbelief became a political factor in public life, as seen in the intensity of the anticlerical dechristianisation. The French Revolution inspired skeptics across Europe to put the irreligious ideas of the [[Enlightenment]] into practice.<ref>See [http://www.investigatingatheism.info/historyeighteenth.html Investigating Atheism]</ref>

===Cult of Reason===

===Cult of Reason===

==Historiography==

==Historiography==

===Republican tradition===

===Republican tradition===

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the [[Enlightenment]] who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref>See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the Enlightenment who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref>See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

===Bourbon history===

===Bourbon history===

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

===Furet and conservatives===

===Furet and conservatives===

To replace Marxist interpretations was the goal of [[François Furet]] (1927–97)), the head of the history section of the Ecole pratique des hautes etudes. He argued instead that the Revolution is best understood as the victory of the [[Enlightenment]]—particularly the [[Jean Jacques Rousseau|Rousseauian]] version—over social interests. Intellectual forces were dominant, not [[class conflict]] or materialistic forces.  Furet's influential American ally was Keith Baker, of the University of Chicago. Baker, influenced by the linguistic turn pioneered by [[J. G. A. Pocock]] identified three competing discourses that shaped how people thought in the second half of the eighteenth century. The "language of will" promised rights to the majority while the "language of justice" and the "language of equality" also shaped political values. Justice emphasized history and the desire to maintain contracts; proponents of equality wanted reason to prevail in governmental decision making. According to Baker, in the summer of 1789 the revolutionaries suddenly embraced the language of will. Once embarked on this course, the Terror followed from their insistence that the majority should realize its ambitions. Political and social factors were not necessary to arrive at this unfortunate result, said Baker; instead it was the embrace of the three political discourses of will, justice and equality that drove the revolution.<ref>Censer, "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution" (2003)</ref>

To replace Marxist interpretations was the goal of [[François Furet]] (1927–97)), the head of the history section of the Ecole pratique des hautes etudes. He argued instead that the Revolution is best understood as the victory of the Enlightenment—particularly the [[Jean Jacques Rousseau|Rousseauian]] version—over social interests. Intellectual forces were dominant, not [[class conflict]] or materialistic forces.  Furet's influential American ally was Keith Baker, of the University of Chicago. Baker, influenced by the linguistic turn pioneered by [[J. G. A. Pocock]] identified three competing discourses that shaped how people thought in the second half of the eighteenth century. The "language of will" promised rights to the majority while the "language of justice" and the "language of equality" also shaped political values. Justice emphasized history and the desire to maintain contracts; proponents of equality wanted reason to prevail in governmental decision making. According to Baker, in the summer of 1789 the revolutionaries suddenly embraced the language of will. Once embarked on this course, the Terror followed from their insistence that the majority should realize its ambitions. Political and social factors were not necessary to arrive at this unfortunate result, said Baker; instead it was the embrace of the three political discourses of will, justice and equality that drove the revolution.<ref>Censer, "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution" (2003)</ref>

===Class and culture===

===Class and culture===