Changes

Once in office Aberhart gave a high priority to balancing the provincial budget. He reduced expenditures and increased the sales tax and the income tax.  The poor and unemployed got nothing. The $25 monthly social dividend never arrived, as Aberhart decided nothing could be done until the province's financial system was changed, and 1936 Alberta defaulted on its bonds.  He did pass a Debt Adjustment Act that canceled all the interest on mortgages since 1932 and limited all interest  

Once in office Aberhart gave a high priority to balancing the provincial budget. He reduced expenditures and increased the sales tax and the income tax.  The poor and unemployed got nothing. The $25 monthly social dividend never arrived, as Aberhart decided nothing could be done until the province's financial system was changed, and 1936 Alberta defaulted on its bonds.  He did pass a Debt Adjustment Act that canceled all the interest on mortgages since 1932 and limited all interest  

rates on mortgages to 5%, in line with similar laws passed by other provinces. In 1937 backbenchers passed a radical banking law that was disallowed by Ottawa (banking was a federal responsibility). Efforts to control the press were also disallowed.  The party was authoritarian and tried to exert detailed control over its officeholders; those who rebelled were purged or removed from office by the new device of recall elections.  Although Aberhart was hostile to banks and newspapers, he was basically in favor of capitalism and did not support socialist policies as did the [[CCF]] in Saskatchewan.<ref>In Alberta the CCF and Social Credit were bitter enemies, which made it impossible for them to merge in Saskatchewan. See S. M. Lipset, ''Agrarian Socialism: The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in Saskatchewan a Study in Political Sociology.'' (1971) p. 143-4.</ref>  By 1938 the Social Credit government abandoned its notions about the the $25 payouts. The Social Credit Party's inability to break with UFA policies led to disillusionment and heavy defections from the party, but Aberhart was reelected in 1940 but died in 1943; his party governed Alberta until 1968 under Ernest Manning (1908-1996).<ref>Neatby (1972) 143-61;  Finkel, (1983)</ref>   

rates on mortgages to 5%, in line with similar laws passed by other provinces. In 1937 backbenchers passed a radical banking law that was disallowed by Ottawa (banking was a federal responsibility). Efforts to control the press were also disallowed.  The party was authoritarian and tried to exert detailed control over its officeholders; those who rebelled were purged or removed from office by the new device of recall elections.  Although Aberhart was hostile to banks and newspapers, he was basically in favor of capitalism and did not support socialist policies as did the [[CCF]] in Saskatchewan.<ref>In Alberta the CCF and Social Credit were bitter enemies, which made it impossible for them to merge in Saskatchewan. See S. M. Lipset, ''Agrarian Socialism: The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation in Saskatchewan a Study in Political Sociology.'' (1971) p. 143-4.</ref>  By 1938 the Social Credit government abandoned its notions about the $25 payouts. The Social Credit Party's inability to break with UFA policies led to disillusionment and heavy defections from the party, but Aberhart was reelected in 1940 but died in 1943; his party governed Alberta until 1968 under Ernest Manning (1908-1996).<ref>Neatby (1972) 143-61;  Finkel, (1983)</ref>   

The 1952 provincial election in British Columbia stunned the pundits when Social Credit defeated the established parties to form a minority government. Commentators thought that the freakish rise of Social Credit was merely a protest against political misrule, but W. A. C. Bennett remained premier until 1972, and the party also governed 1975 to 1991. Hak (2004) argues Social Credit victories in the Fraser Valley and the interior, where the party was most successful, represented a populist revolt in a time of rapid economic change.  The BC party rested upon a group of political activists who lean to a definite centre-right position on the political spectrum.<ref>Gordon Hak, "Populism and the 1952 Social Credit Breakthrough in British Columbia." ''Canadian Historical Review'' (2004) 85(2): 277-296. Issn: 0008-3755 Fulltext: in Project Muse; Donald E. Blake, R. K. Carty, Lynda K. Erickson, ''Grassroots Politicians: Party Activists in British Columbia.'' (1991) p. 55</ref>  

The 1952 provincial election in British Columbia stunned the pundits when Social Credit defeated the established parties to form a minority government. Commentators thought that the freakish rise of Social Credit was merely a protest against political misrule, but W. A. C. Bennett remained premier until 1972, and the party also governed 1975 to 1991. Hak (2004) argues Social Credit victories in the Fraser Valley and the interior, where the party was most successful, represented a populist revolt in a time of rapid economic change.  The BC party rested upon a group of political activists who lean to a definite centre-right position on the political spectrum.<ref>Gordon Hak, "Populism and the 1952 Social Credit Breakthrough in British Columbia." ''Canadian Historical Review'' (2004) 85(2): 277-296. Issn: 0008-3755 Fulltext: in Project Muse; Donald E. Blake, R. K. Carty, Lynda K. Erickson, ''Grassroots Politicians: Party Activists in British Columbia.'' (1991) p. 55</ref>