Changes

While all the ministers were men, most of the members were women. Working beside her father, Helenor Alter Davisson was a circuit rider of the Methodist Protestant Church in Jasper County, Indiana. She was ordained a minister in 1866, becoming the first female ordained in Methodism. Subsequent church conferences challenged the ordination of women. Illness confined her to her room by 1870, and she died there in 1876.<ref>Christopher M.  Shoemaker, "A Small Work: the Story of Helenor Alter Davisson, Methodism's First Ordained Woman." ''Methodist History'' 2003 41(2): 3-11</ref>   

While all the ministers were men, most of the members were women. Working beside her father, Helenor Alter Davisson was a circuit rider of the Methodist Protestant Church in Jasper County, Indiana. She was ordained a minister in 1866, becoming the first female ordained in Methodism. Subsequent church conferences challenged the ordination of women. Illness confined her to her room by 1870, and she died there in 1876.<ref>Christopher M.  Shoemaker, "A Small Work: the Story of Helenor Alter Davisson, Methodism's First Ordained Woman." ''Methodist History'' 2003 41(2): 3-11</ref>   

===Artisans and politics===

===Artisans and politics===

The Methodists were well received in Maryland in the 1760-1840 era, and Baltimore became an important center.<ref>Dee E. Andrews, ''The Methodists and Revolutionary America, 1760-1800: The Shaping of an Evangelical Culture'' (2000)</ref>  Sutton (1998) looks at Methodist artisans and craftsmen, showing they embraced an evangelical identity, Protestant ethic, and complex organizational structure. This enabled them to express their anti-elitist or populist  "producerist" values of self-discipline, honesty, frugality, and industry; they denounced greed, and sought an interdependent common good. Such producerist views drew on aspects of the Wesleyan ethic, appropriated the commonweal traditions of eighteenth-century [[republicanism]], and initially resisted those of classical liberal, individualistic, self-interested capitalism. They also accorded well with and helped produce the emerging amalgam of American populist, restorationist, biblicistic, revivalistic activism that Sutton terms "Arminianized Calvinism."<ref>William R. Sutton, ''Journeymen for Jesus: Evangelical Artisans Confront Capitalism in Jacksonian Baltimore'' (1998)</ref>   

The Methodists were well received in Maryland in the 1760-1840 era, and Baltimore became an important center.<ref>Dee E. Andrews, ''The Methodists and Revolutionary America, 1760-1800: The Shaping of an Evangelical Culture'' (2000)</ref>  Sutton (1998) looks at Methodist artisans and craftsmen, showing they embraced an evangelical identity, Protestant ethic, and complex organizational structure. This enabled them to express their anti-elitist or populist  "producerist" values of self-discipline, honesty, frugality, and industry; they denounced greed, and sought an interdependent common good. Such producerist views drew on aspects of the Wesleyan ethic, appropriated the commonweal traditions of eighteenth century [[republicanism]], and initially resisted those of classical liberal, individualistic, self-interested capitalism. They also accorded well with and helped produce the emerging amalgam of American populist, restorationist, biblicistic, revivalistic activism that Sutton terms "Arminianized Calvinism."<ref>William R. Sutton, ''Journeymen for Jesus: Evangelical Artisans Confront Capitalism in Jacksonian Baltimore'' (1998)</ref>   

Inside the Methodist Church the artisans were reforemers who focused on three substantive and symbolic targets, each of which would democratize Methodist conferences: lay suffrage and representation; inclusion of the local preachers, who constituted two-thirds of Methodist leadership; and election of the officers who carried the administrative, personnel, and supervisory power, the presiding elders. The appeals made on behalf of these democratizations, Sutton shows, drew imaginatively on both producerist and Wesleyan rhetoric.  By the 1850s Sutton shows that the corporate ideals and individual disciplines of religious producerism were expressed in trade unionism, in evangelical missions to workers, in factory preaching, in workers' congregations, in temperance and Sabbatarianism, in the Sunday school movement, and in the politics of Protestant communal hegemony.<ref>Sutton, ''Journeymen for Jesus''  (1998)</ref>

Inside the Methodist Church the artisans were reforemers who focused on three substantive and symbolic targets, each of which would democratize Methodist conferences: lay suffrage and representation; inclusion of the local preachers, who constituted two-thirds of Methodist leadership; and election of the officers who carried the administrative, personnel, and supervisory power, the presiding elders. The appeals made on behalf of these democratizations, Sutton shows, drew imaginatively on both producerist and Wesleyan rhetoric.  By the 1850s Sutton shows that the corporate ideals and individual disciplines of religious producerism were expressed in trade unionism, in evangelical missions to workers, in factory preaching, in workers' congregations, in temperance and Sabbatarianism, in the Sunday school movement, and in the politics of Protestant communal hegemony.<ref>Sutton, ''Journeymen for Jesus''  (1998)</ref>