Changes

[[Image:Circuit.jpg|thumb|250px|the Circuit Rider]]

[[Image:Circuit.jpg|thumb|250px|the Circuit Rider]]

The key to building enthusiasm was the revival—especially on the frontier but also in towns. Revivals , which brought together hundreds of men, women and children for several days of intense preaching, prayer, singing, soul-searching and socializing. Many became converted, and joined one of the local Methodist churches. Methodists expected revivals aimed at larger audiences to startle hearers into initial religious consciousness; they assumed the critical conversion from self to Christ would occur in private, only then to be followed by integration into the spiritual fellowship of the local, small-group, lay-led society.

The key to building enthusiasm was the revival—especially on the frontier but also in towns. Revivals, which brought together hundreds of men, women and children for several days of intense preaching, prayer, singing, soul-searching and socializing. Many became converted, and joined one of the local Methodist churches. Methodists expected revivals aimed at larger audiences to startle hearers into initial religious consciousness; they assumed the critical conversion from self to Christ would occur in private, only then to be followed by integration into the spiritual fellowship of the local, small-group, lay-led society.

Circuit riders proved to be economical and efficient agents to spread Methodism. These itinerant preachers were the first institutionalized response to the call for missionary work in the mid- to late 18th century. Circuit riders tended to be lay preachers who often lacked formal education and were young, poor, and single. Unlike the local preacher, the itinerant circuit rider was a full member of the Methodist annual conference.  The circuit riders settled down in the late 19th century and the practice largely disappeared except in remote areas.<ref>Peter Feinman, "Itinerant Circuit-riding Minister: Warrior of Light in a Wilderness of Chaos." ''Methodist History'' 2006 45(1): 43-53</ref>   

Circuit riders proved to be economical and efficient agents to spread Methodism. These itinerant preachers were the first institutionalized response to the call for missionary work in the mid- to late 18th century. Circuit riders tended to be lay preachers who often lacked formal education and were young, poor, and single. Unlike the local preacher, the itinerant circuit rider was a full member of the Methodist annual conference.  The circuit riders settled down in the late 19th century and the practice largely disappeared except in remote areas.<ref>Peter Feinman, "Itinerant Circuit-riding Minister: Warrior of Light in a Wilderness of Chaos." ''Methodist History'' 2006 45(1): 43-53</ref>   

===Women===

===Women===

Schneider (1993) stresses the Victorian domestic ideology adopted by the Methodist women. That is, they made the ideology that defined women as "naturally" religious and sanctified the middle-class home a central part of their identity and practice.  Methodism stood opposed to the intensely masculine "culture of honor" (with its deadly duels) that had previsously been rampant.

Schneider (1993) stresses the Victorian domestic ideology adopted by the Methodist women. That is, they made the ideology that defined women as "naturally" religious and sanctified the middle-class home a central part of their identity and practice.  Methodism stood opposed to the intensely masculine "culture of honor" (with its deadly duels) that had previously been rampant.

While all the ministers were men, most of the members were women. Working beside her father, Helenor Alter Davisson was a circuit rider of the Methodist Protestant Church in Jasper County, Indiana. She was ordained a minister in 1866, becoming the first female ordained in Methodism. Subsequent church conferences challenged the ordination of women. Illness confined her to her room by 1870, and she died there in 1876.<ref>Christopher M.  Shoemaker, "A Small Work: the Story of Helenor Alter Davisson, Methodism's First Ordained Woman." ''Methodist History'' 2003 41(2): 3-11</ref>   

While all the ministers were men, most of the members were women. Working beside her father, Helenor Alter Davisson was a circuit rider of the Methodist Protestant Church in Jasper County, Indiana. She was ordained a minister in 1866, becoming the first female ordained in Methodism. Subsequent church conferences challenged the ordination of women. Illness confined her to her room by 1870, and she died there in 1876.<ref>Christopher M.  Shoemaker, "A Small Work: the Story of Helenor Alter Davisson, Methodism's First Ordained Woman." ''Methodist History'' 2003 41(2): 3-11</ref>   

The Methodists closely monitored the actual behavior of all their members through the "class meeting" every week. Typically twelve members met once a week to monitor how they were growing in inward spiritual experience. Their goal was to achieve "a mortifying self-knowledge" and "to replace a sense of the sporadic surveillance of the neighborhood with a sense of the omniscient eye of God".<ref>Schneider (1993) pp. 82, 115</ref>  This intense introspection was critical in moving from a traditional personality that feared external shame to a modern personality that was driven by guilt.

The Methodists closely monitored the actual behavior of all their members through the "class meeting" every week. Typically twelve members met once a week to monitor how they were growing in inward spiritual experience. Their goal was to achieve "a mortifying self-knowledge" and "to replace a sense of the sporadic surveillance of the neighborhood with a sense of the omniscient eye of God".<ref>Schneider (1993) pp. 82, 115</ref>  This intense introspection was critical in moving from a traditional personality that feared external shame to a modern personality that was driven by guilt.

By the second half of the 19th century, the class meetings were forgotten and Methodist leaders viewed the novel as a threat to morals. Novels competed with religion for an audience and provided bad examples that could lead the impressionable reader to a life of crime or might distract the reader from contributing to the formation of a just society. Ministers had the duty of directing readers to more edifying literature by acting as book critics. They might also serve as book agents by selling uplifting books, such as those published by the Methodist Book Concern. In the early 20th century, some Methodist scholars came to believe that novels were necessary for faith: reading quality fiction enabled one to discover commendable values and learn how to engage the world. Radio and film would supercede the threat posed by the novel.<ref>Matthew T. Herbst, "'The Moral Hurt of Novel Reading': Methodism and American Fiction, 1865-1914." ''Methodist History'' 2006 44(4): 239-250</ref>  

By the second half of the 19th century, the class meetings were forgotten and Methodist leaders viewed the novel as a threat to morals. Novels competed with religion for an audience and provided bad examples that could lead the impressionable reader to a life of crime or might distract the reader from contributing to the formation of a just society. Ministers had the duty of directing readers to more edifying literature by acting as book critics. They might also serve as book agents by selling uplifting books, such as those published by the Methodist Book Concern. In the early 20th century, some Methodist scholars came to believe that novels were necessary for faith: reading quality fiction enabled one to discover commendable values and learn how to engage the world. Radio and film would supersede the threat posed by the novel.<ref>Matthew T. Herbst, "'The Moral Hurt of Novel Reading': Methodism and American Fiction, 1865-1914." ''Methodist History'' 2006 44(4): 239-250</ref>  

[[Image:Ruin.jpg|thumb|350px|decline and fall caused by drink; 1840s]]

[[Image:Ruin.jpg|thumb|350px|decline and fall caused by drink; 1840s]]

===Modernizing the Methodists ===

===Modernizing the Methodists ===

Methodism was transformed in the mid-th century from a religion of poor people to one of middle class respectability. Enthusiastic groups, clustered in the Holiness Movement, broke away. The transformation is shown by the the change in roles of the presiding elder from 1792 through 1908, when the elder was redesignated district superintendent. No longer was the elder supposed to be an inspirational leader; now he was the business and administrative officer. The success of Methodism led to the formation of larger districts, and the number of administrative and managerial responsibilities of the local leaders increased dramatically.<ref>J. Dennis Williams, "From Presiding Elder to District Superintendent: the Development of an Office in Episcopal Methodism from 1792 to 1908," ''Methodist History 2002 40(4): 255-265</ref>  

Methodism was transformed in the mid-th century from a religion of poor people to one of middle class respectability. Enthusiastic groups, clustered in the Holiness Movement, broke away. The transformation is shown by the change in roles of the presiding elder from 1792 through 1908, when the elder was redesignated district superintendent. No longer was the elder supposed to be an inspirational leader; now he was the business and administrative officer. The success of Methodism led to the formation of larger districts, and the number of administrative and managerial responsibilities of the local leaders increased dramatically.<ref>J. Dennis Williams, "From Presiding Elder to District Superintendent: the Development of an Office in Episcopal Methodism from 1792 to 1908," ''Methodist History 2002 40(4): 255-265</ref>  

The transformation of Methodism in the 19th century from a religion of the 'unwashed' and uneducated to a denomination of respectability owed much to the denomination's embrace of education. Many of the frontier preachers in the Midwest prized education. Though late in supporting higher education, Methodists, by the mid-19th century, had established more colleges than all but one other denomination. Belief in the efficacy of Christian education for children also contributed to the prominence of education in Methodism.<ref>Douglas Montagna, "Education and the Refinement of 19th-century Methodism in the Midwest" ''Methodist History'' 2006 44(2): 94-104</ref>  

The transformation of Methodism in the 19th century from a religion of the 'unwashed' and uneducated to a denomination of respectability owed much to the denomination's embrace of education. Many of the frontier preachers in the Midwest prized education. Though late in supporting higher education, Methodists, by the mid-19th century, had established more colleges than all but one other denomination. Belief in the efficacy of Christian education for children also contributed to the prominence of education in Methodism.<ref>Douglas Montagna, "Education and the Refinement of 19th-century Methodism in the Midwest" ''Methodist History'' 2006 44(2): 94-104</ref>  

The Holiness movement influenced the transformation of the Methodist camp meeting in the later 19th century. The frontier camp meeting that had focused on the conversion experience during the first part of the century ultimately evolved into a system of summer camps and conferences. Holiness camps were established on permanent campgrounds in natural surroundings. Here families could escape the evils of urban life and renew spiritual values. The focus was on nurturing the faith of those already converted. The camps also emphasized religious education.<ref>Charles H. Lippy, "The Camp Meeting in Transition: The Character and Legacy of the Late Nineteenth Century." ''Methodist History'' 1995 34(1): 3-17. 0026-1238</ref>  

The Holiness movement influenced the transformation of the Methodist camp meeting in the later 19th century. The frontier camp meeting that had focused on the conversion experience during the first part of the century ultimately evolved into a system of summer camps and conferences. Holiness camps were established on permanent campgrounds in natural surroundings. Here families could escape the evils of urban life and renew spiritual values. The focus was on nurturing the faith of those already converted. The camps also emphasized religious education.<ref>Charles H. Lippy, "The Camp Meeting in Transition: The Character and Legacy of the Late Nineteenth Century." ''Methodist History'' 1995 34(1): 3-17. 0026-1238</ref>  

==Changing theology==

==Changing theology==

Wesley's American followers did not consider him a theologian. Initial inattention to Wesley's theology stemmed in part from the [[American Revolution]] and the desire to separate from British  antecedents. Furthermore American bishop [[Francis Asbury]] lacked any formal theological education and had little interest in theology. The typical early circuit-riding preachers did not share Wesley's belief in the need to be grounded in classic theological texts, and they often claimed believers needed to rely on scripture alone to interpret true religion. Apologetics for Methodist beliefs on grace and sanctification received more attention than did the corpus of Wesley's theology. Churchmen concluded that Wesley did not have a clearly articulated and systematic theology because he had nothing comparable to [[John Calvin]]'s ''Institutes'' and because his theology on some issues changed over time.  Methodists ministers saw their theology as part of the larger [[Arminian]] tradition, which allowed for everyone to get to heaven. As seminaries to train Methodist preachers emerged, the curriculum marginalized the study of Wesley's theology.<ref>Randy L. Maddox, "Respected Founder/neglected Guide: the Role of Wesley in American Methodist Theology," ''Methodist History'' 1999 37(2): 71-88</ref>  

Wesley's American followers did not consider him a theologian. Initial inattention to Wesley's theology stemmed in part from the [[American Revolution]] and the desire to separate from British  antecedents. Furthermore, American bishop [[Francis Asbury]] lacked any formal theological education and had little interest in theology. The typical early circuit-riding preachers did not share Wesley's belief in the need to be grounded in classic theological texts, and they often claimed believers needed to rely on scripture alone to interpret true religion. Apologetics for Methodist beliefs on grace and sanctification received more attention than did the corpus of Wesley's theology. Churchmen concluded that Wesley did not have a clearly articulated and systematic theology because he had nothing comparable to [[John Calvin]]'s ''Institutes'' and because his theology on some issues changed over time.  Methodists ministers saw their theology as part of the larger [[Arminian]] tradition, which allowed for everyone to get to heaven. As seminaries to train Methodist preachers emerged, the curriculum marginalized the study of Wesley's theology.<ref>Randy L. Maddox, "Respected Founder/neglected Guide: the Role of Wesley in American Methodist Theology," ''Methodist History'' 1999 37(2): 71-88</ref>  

After 1880, Methodist theologians in the United States started to question and reinterpret his doctrines. Scholarship turned away from the inerrancy and infallibility of scripture that Wesley advocated and critics challenged his ideas about original sin and Christology. Theological liberalism found favor, as the new theology responded to rationalism, philosophical idealism, and improved biblical scholarship. Unlike many other denominations, Methodism did not experience theological warfare between proponents of liberal theology and their fundamentalist counterparts. Perhaps the most influential theologian was Borden Parker Bowne (1847-1910), professor at Boston University. He was the first systematizer of American Personalism, arguing that a personal God was the cause of all things and the solution to all problems. Personalism was empirical in that self-experience was at its core. Bowne was known as the 'Socrates of the Methodist Church' for his criticisms of the church, especially its episcopal organization.<ref>Rufus Burrow, Jr., "Borden Parker Bowne: the First Thoroughgoing Personalist," ''Methodist History'' 1997 36(1): 44-54</ref>

After 1880, Methodist theologians in the United States started to question and reinterpret his doctrines. Scholarship turned away from the inerrancy and infallibility of scripture that Wesley advocated and critics challenged his ideas about original sin and Christology. Theological liberalism found favor, as the new theology responded to rationalism, philosophical idealism, and improved biblical scholarship. Unlike many other denominations, Methodism did not experience theological warfare between proponents of liberal theology and their fundamentalist counterparts. Perhaps the most influential theologian was Borden Parker Bowne (1847-1910), professor at Boston University. He was the first systematizer of American Personalism, arguing that a personal God was the cause of all things and the solution to all problems. Personalism was empirical in that self-experience was at its core. Bowne was known as the 'Socrates of the Methodist Church' for his criticisms of the church, especially its episcopal organization.<ref>Rufus Burrow, Jr., "Borden Parker Bowne: the First Thoroughgoing Personalist," ''Methodist History'' 1997 36(1): 44-54</ref>