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The '''Communist Party of the United States of America''' ('''CPUSA''') was a Moscow-controlled [[Marxist-Leninist]] party in the [[United States]].  It nominated a candidate for president from 1924 through 1984, sometimes with funding from the [[Atheism|atheistic]] [[communism|communist]] [[Soviet Union]].  With the collapse of the Soviet Union it became a hollow shell and has urged voters to support the Democratic Party.<ref>http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/government/elections/president/timeline.htm</ref>

The '''Communist Party of the United States of America''' ('''CPUSA''') was a Moscow-controlled [[Marxist-Leninist]] party in the [[United States]].  It nominated a candidate for president from 1924 through 1984, sometimes with funding from the [[Atheism|atheistic]] [[communism|Communist]] [[Soviet Union]].  With the collapse of the Soviet Union it became a hollow shell and has urged voters to support the [[Democrat Party]].<ref>http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/government/elections/president/timeline.htm</ref>

The Soviet Union used the CPUSA to recruit spies after the U.S. recognized the USSR in 1933.  

The Soviet Union used the CPUSA to recruit spies after the U.S. recognized the USSR in 1933.  

==Early years==

==Early years==

It was formed in 1919 as a splinter group of the [[left-wing]] of the [[Socialism|Socialist Party]] over the issue of the [[Bolshevik Revolution]] in [[Russia]]. The left wing socialists supported [[Lenin]] and [[Trotsky]], and broke off the SP to form two rival parties: the [[Communist Party of America]] and [[Communist Labor Party]]. Under pressure from the [[Communist International]], these two communist parties officially merged in Chicago in 1919. From its inception, the Communist Party, USA came under attack from the [[FBI]] and Attorney General [[A. Mitchell Palmer]] for defying the [[Sedition Act of 1918]]. Consequently, the Communist Party went underground and went through name changes to evade the authorities.

It was formed in 1919 as a splinter group of the [[left-wing]] of the [[Socialism|Socialist Party]] over the issue of the [[Bolshevik Revolution]] in [[Russia]]. The left wing socialists supported [[Lenin]] and [[Trotsky]], and broke off the SP to form two rival parties: the [[Communist Party of America]] and [[Communist Labor Party]]. Under pressure from the [[Communist International]], these two communist parties officially merged in Chicago in 1919. From its inception, the Communist Party USA came under attack from the [[FBI]] and Attorney General [[A. Mitchell Palmer]] for defying the [[Sedition Act of 1918]]. Consequently, the Communist Party USA went underground and went through name changes to evade the authorities.

During the early 1920s, the party apparatus was, to a great extent, underground. It reemerged in 1923 with a small legal above ground element, the [[Workers Party of America]]. As the [[Red Scare]] of 1919 and deportations of the early 1920s ebbed, the party became bolder and more open. When the FBI in August 1922 raided the third convention of the Communist Party USA meeting secretly near Bridgman, Michigan, they obtained biographical information about each of the delegates. They came largely from Eastern and Central Europe; all but two could speak English and most were Americanized. Most had previously belonged to the [[Socialist Party]], or (less often) to the [[IWW]]. Most had been radicals prior to the Russian Revolution of 1917. Few held official trade union positions, very few worked in heavy industry, and a substantial number had been arrested at least once.<ref>Harvey Klehr, "The Bridgman Delegates," ''Survey''1976 22(2): 87-95. 0039-6192</ref>

During the early 1920s, the party apparatus was, to a great extent, underground. It reemerged in 1923 with a small legal above ground element, the [[Workers Party of America]]. As the [[Red Scare]] of 1919 and deportations of the early 1920s ebbed, the party became bolder and more open. When the FBI in August 1922 raided the third convention of the Communist Party USA meeting secretly near Bridgman, Michigan, they obtained biographical information about each of the delegates. They came largely from Eastern and Central Europe; all but two could speak English and most were Americanized. Most had previously belonged to the [[Socialist Party]], or (less often) to the [[IWW]]. Most had been radicals prior to the Russian Revolution of 1917. Few held official trade union positions, very few worked in heavy industry, and a substantial number had been arrested at least once.<ref>Harvey Klehr, "The Bridgman Delegates," ''Survey''1976 22(2): 87-95. 0039-6192</ref>

From 1919 to the early 1930s Party head [[William Z. Foster]] was one of the most influential leftist labor and political leaders in the United States. After coordinating the great industrywide steel strike of 1919, he joined the Party and was its candidate for president in 1924, 1928, and 1932. Foster's recurrent physical and mental health problems curtailed his leadership, especially during the 1930s. He was loyal to Stalin who returned Foster to power in 1945. He retired in 1957 and Moscow replaced him with [[Gus Hall]].

From 1919 to the early 1930s Party head [[William Z. Foster]] was one of the most influential leftist labor and political leaders in the United States. After coordinating the great industrywide steel strike of 1919, he joined the Party and was its candidate for president in 1924, 1928, and 1932. Foster's recurrent physical and mental health problems curtailed his leadership, especially during the 1930s. He was loyal to Stalin who returned Foster to power in 1945. He retired in 1957 and Moscow replaced him with [[Gus Hall]].

[[Earl Browder]] assumed party leadership after 1929 and actually dissolved the party in 1944, replacing it with the Communist Political Association. For this independent move he was in turn expelled and Stalin brought back Foster  as head of the party. Foster published a 'new history' of America, which was highly praised in Moscow, translated into many languages and made a handbook of anti-American propaganda all over the world. Of it Browder wrote, "This extraordinary book interpreted the history of America from its discovery to the present, as an orgy of 'bloody banditry' and imperialism, enriching itself by 'drinking the rich red blood' of other peoples." Foster was retired in 1958 and replaced by Gus Hall.

[[Earl Browder]] assumed party leadership after 1929 and actually dissolved the party in 1944, replacing it with the Communist Political Association. For this independent move he was in turn expelled and Stalin brought back Foster  as head of the party. Foster published a highly revisionist "new history" of America, which was highly praised in Moscow, translated into many languages and made a handbook of anti-American propaganda all over the world. Of it Browder wrote, "This extraordinary book interpreted the history of America from its discovery to the present, as an orgy of 'bloody banditry' and imperialism, enriching itself by 'drinking the rich red blood' of other peoples." Foster was retired in 1958 and replaced by Gus Hall.

Gus Hall (1910-2000) was secretary general of the Party, 1959-2000. Hall was born to a family of Finnish immigrant workers in the mining camps of northern Minnesota. His parents were active participants in Finland's workers' socialist movement and the [[IWW]]. In 1927, Hall joined the Communist Party. By the early 1930s, he was involved in trade union activity, especially as an organizer in steel. In 1959 he became party leader and ran for presidernt four times, 1972, 1976, 1980, and 1984, the last two times with [[Angela Davis]].

Gus Hall (1910-2000) was secretary general of the Party, 1959-2000. Hall was born to a family of Finnish immigrant workers in the mining camps of northern Minnesota. His parents were active participants in Finland's workers' socialist movement and the [[IWW]]. In 1927, Hall joined the Communist Party. By the early 1930s, he was involved in trade union activity, especially as an organizer in steel. In 1959 he became party leader and ran for president four times in 1972, 1976, 1980, and 1984, the last two times with [[Angela Davis]].

[[Louis Budenz]] started as a Communist and ended a leading an anti-Communist, beginning with his involvement in the Toledo, Ohio, Electric Auto-Lite strike of 1934. Although the intensity of Budenz's later opposition to communism during the McCarthy era made his former involvement in the CPUSA difficult to understand, his entry into the Party was the logical result of his involvement in the Auto-Lite strike. Intrigued by the idea of an "Americanized" socialism, Budenz's desire to assimilate leftism and nationalism spurred him to join the American Workers' Party (AWP) and, later, the Communist Party. Fervently patriotic, Budenz's interest in the CPUSA was based on the group's adoption of an approach that focused on the American experience. When the CPUSA realigned itself with Russia in 1945, Budenz left the organization. Following his departure, Budenz acted as an informant in the Red Scare, assisting the government in the condemnation of many of his former Communist sympathizers.<ref>Roger Chapman, "Louis Francis Budenz's Journey from the Electric Auto-Lite Strike to the Communist Party and Beyond," ''Northwest Ohio Quarterly'' 2001 73(3-4): 118-141. 0029-3407</ref>

[[Louis Budenz]] started as a Communist and ended as a leading anti-Communist, beginning with his involvement in the Toledo, Ohio, Electric Auto-Lite strike of 1934. Although the intensity of Budenz's later opposition to Communism during the McCarthy era made his former involvement in the CPUSA difficult to understand, his entry into the Party was the logical result of his involvement in the Auto-Lite strike. Intrigued by the idea of an "Americanized" socialism, Budenz's desire to assimilate leftism and nationalism spurred him to join the American Workers' Party (AWP) and, later, the Communist Party. Fervently patriotic, Budenz's interest in the CPUSA was based on the group's adoption of an approach that focused on the American experience. When the CPUSA realigned itself with Russia in 1945, Budenz left the organization. Following his departure, Budenz acted as an informant in the Red Scare, assisting the government in the condemnation of many of his former Communist sympathizers.<ref>Roger Chapman, "Louis Francis Budenz's Journey from the Electric Auto-Lite Strike to the Communist Party and Beyond," ''Northwest Ohio Quarterly'' 2001 73(3-4): 118-141. 0029-3407</ref>

==Modern Times==

==Modern Times==

The CPUSA has played a minor role in recent years, since it represented the "old left" and could not accept the anarchism of the young radicals of the "new left." In the 2004 general election, the CPUSA endorsed [[Democratic]] Presidential nominee [[John Kerry]] and in 2008 [[Barack Hussein Obama]].<ref>[http://cpusa.org/article/articleview/975/1/147/ Editorial: Eye on the Prize] CPUSA, July 15, 2008</ref><ref>[http://www.worldnetdaily.com/index.php?fa=PAGE.view&pageId=99104 Communist Party official shares White House's ambitious agenda] WorldnetDaily, May 24, 2009</ref><ref>[http://iperceive.net/communist-party-usa-pac-chair-endorses-obama/ Communist Party USA PAC Chair endorses Obama] Iperceive.net, October 12, 2008</ref>

The CPUSA has played a minor role in recent years, since it represented the "Old Left" and could not accept the anarchism of the young radicals of the "New Left." In the 2004 general election, the CPUSA endorsed [[Democratic]] Presidential nominee [[John Kerry]] and in 2008 [[Barack Hussein Obama]].<ref>[http://cpusa.org/article/articleview/975/1/147/ Editorial: Eye on the Prize] CPUSA, July 15, 2008</ref><ref>[http://www.worldnetdaily.com/index.php?fa=PAGE.view&pageId=99104 Communist Party official shares White House's ambitious agenda] WorldnetDaily, May 24, 2009</ref><ref>[http://iperceive.net/communist-party-usa-pac-chair-endorses-obama/ Communist Party USA PAC Chair endorses Obama] Iperceive.net, October 12, 2008</ref>

===Social Networking===

===Social Networking===

The CPUSA uses the [[Internet]] in order to grow its ranks, with little success. In addition to a home page, they have created social networking to further its ideology. They utilize a FaceBook.com account <ref>[http://www.facebook.com/pages/Communist-Party-USA/53167307346 Communist Party USA ] FaceBook</ref> as well as a Twitter.com account. CPUSA aligns itself with Young Communist League and they have a page on Myspace.com.<ref>[http://www.myspace.com/yclusa Official Myspace Page of the Young Communist League, USA] MySpace</ref> Also traditional forms of print media, they publish the People's Weekly World newspaper.

The CPUSA uses the [[Internet]] in order to grow its ranks, with little success. In addition to a home page, they have created social networking to further its ideology. They utilize a FaceBook.com account <ref>[http://www.facebook.com/pages/Communist-Party-USA/53167307346 Communist Party USA ] FaceBook</ref> as well as a Twitter.com account. CPUSA aligns itself with Young Communist League and they have a page on Myspace.com.<ref>[http://www.myspace.com/yclusa Official Myspace Page of the Young Communist League, USA] MySpace</ref> Also traditional forms of print media, they publish the ''People's Weekly World'' newspaper.

===Socialism===

===Socialism===

==Secret apparatus==

==Secret apparatus==

 

In the 1930s CPUSA membership became largely native-born, and more educated people joined, including many scientific and technically trained professionals.  American Communists considered the capitalist corporations which employed them as "morally illegitimate" institutions.  When Soviet intelligence officers approached and asked that the scientific secrets of these corporations be shared with the Soviet Union, few had moral objections.  

In the 1930s CPUSA membership became largely native-born, and more educated people joined, including many scientific and technically trained professionals.  American Communists considered the capitalist corporations which employed them as morally illegitimate institutions.  When Soviet intelligence officers approached and asked that the scientific secrets of these corporations be shared with the Soviet Union, few had moral objections.  

Soviet intelligence agencies were able to use over 400 American [[citizen]]s during the 1930s and up to 1946.  The CPUSA was not just a recruiting ground for Soviet intelligence, it functioned within Soviet espionage as an auxiliary organization.  Earl Browder, with the active assistance of a dozen high-level CPUSA officials, and numerous rank-and-file members, supervised CPUSA cooperation with the OGPU and GRU.  Browder was given personal credit for recruitment of eighteen agents in a 1946 OGPU memo.

Soviet intelligence agencies were able to use over 400 American [[citizen]]s during the 1930s and up to 1946.  The CPUSA was not just a recruiting ground for Soviet intelligence, it functioned within Soviet espionage as an auxiliary organization.  Earl Browder, with the active assistance of a dozen high-level CPUSA officials, and numerous rank-and-file members, supervised CPUSA cooperation with the OGPU and GRU.  Browder was given personal credit for recruitment of eighteen agents in a 1946 OGPU memo.

The CPUSA strongly supported the left-wing "Republican" side in the [[Spanish Civil War]] in the late 1930s, and encouraged its young people to enlist in the "Abraham Lincoln Brigade" to go and fight there. About 800 did so.

The CPUSA strongly supported the left-wing "Republican" side in the [[Spanish Civil War]] in the late 1930s, and encouraged its young people to enlist in the "Abraham Lincoln Brigade" to go and fight there. About 800 did so.

===Ethnics ===

===Ethnics ===

The CPUSA drew a large fraction of its members from certain ethnic groups, such as Finns, Jews and Italians.   

The CPUSA drew a large fraction of its members from certain ethnic groups, such as Finns, Jews and Italians.   

===Blacks===

===Blacks===

[[File:Scotts5.JPG|left|thumb|Excerpt of letter from [[NAACP]] Chairman [[Roy Wilkins]] to [[William L. Patterson]], Executive Director of the [[CPUSA front]] organization, [[Attorney General's list|Civil Rights Congress]].  The letter reads in part, "We remember that in the [[Scottsboro case]], the NAACP was subject to the most unprincipled vilification.  We remember the campaign of slander in the ''[[Daily Worker]]''..." [http://www.usasurvival.org/docs/hawaii-obama.pdf p.43] ]]

[[File:Scotts5.JPG|left|thumb|Excerpt of letter from [[NAACP]] Chairman [[Roy Wilkins]] to [[William L. Patterson]], Executive Director of the [[CPUSA front]] organization, [[Attorney General's list|Civil Rights Congress]].  The letter reads in part, "We remember that in the [[Scottsboro case]], the NAACP was subject to the most unprincipled vilification.  We remember the campaign of slander in the ''[[Daily Worker]]''..." [http://www.usasurvival.org/docs/hawaii-obama.pdf p.43] ]]

In 1928 the 6th Congress of the Comintern in Moscow resolved that the black population of the American South was a subject nation, thus capable of engendering a "[[national movement|national revolutionary movement]]," and ordered the CPUSA to give high priority to mobilizing blacks.  In ''[[Toward Soviet America]]'' [[William Z. Foster]] wrote, "the right of self-determination will apply to Negroes in the American Soviet system. In the so-called Black Belt of the South, where the Negroes are in the majority, they will have the fullest right to govern themselves."<ref>''[[Toward Soviet America]]'', William Z. Foster, Coward-McCann, New York, 1932, p. 304.</ref>  The party made the 1931 Scottsboro lynching case its favorite publicity issue, making the maltreatment of African Americans a matter of international concern for the first time, and locked it into the American radical-liberal political agenda. The [[communist front]] organization, the [[International Labor Defense]] (ILD), solicited and raised a considerable amount of money for the defense of the "[[Scottsboro Boys]]" but the full amount was not used for the Scottsboro defendants.<ref>[http://www.usasurvival.org/docs/who.frank.marshall.davis.pdf Who Was Frank Marshall Davis?], by Herbert Romerstein, USASurvival, p. 8.</ref> Several prominent African-American intellectuals and celebrities, such as [[Paul Robeson]], [[Langston Hughes]], [[Richard Wright]] and [[Frank Marshall Davis]] became radicalized at this time as a result of the Scottsboro case, and the official Moscow directed position of the CPUSA to overthrow state and federal governments had an appeal because of maltreatment in the courts and the ever present threat of lynching.

In 1928 the 6th Congress of the Comintern in Moscow resolved that the black population of the American South was a subject nation, thus capable of engendering a "[[national movement|national revolutionary movement]]," and ordered the CPUSA to give high priority to mobilizing blacks.  In ''[[Toward Soviet America]]'' [[William Z. Foster]] wrote, "the right of self-determination will apply to Negroes in the American Soviet system. In the so-called Black Belt of the South, where the Negroes are in the majority, they will have the fullest right to govern themselves."<ref>''[[Toward Soviet America]]'', William Z. Foster, Coward-McCann, New York, 1932, p. 304.</ref>  The party made the 1931 Scottsboro lynching case its favorite publicity issue, making the maltreatment of African Americans a matter of international concern for the first time, and locked it into the American radical-liberal political agenda. The [[Communist front]] organization, the [[International Labor Defense]] (ILD), solicited and raised a considerable amount of money for the defense of the "[[Scottsboro Boys]]" but the full amount was not used for the Scottsboro defendants.<ref>[http://www.usasurvival.org/docs/who.frank.marshall.davis.pdf Who Was Frank Marshall Davis?], by Herbert Romerstein, USASurvival, p. 8.</ref> Several prominent African-American intellectuals and celebrities, such as [[Paul Robeson]], [[Langston Hughes]], [[Richard Wright]] and [[Frank Marshall Davis]] became radicalized at this time as a result of the Scottsboro case, and the official Moscow directed position of the CPUSA to overthrow state and federal governments had an appeal because of maltreatment in the courts and the ever present threat of lynching.

After 1930 the Party strongly supported creation of a Negro Soviet Socialist Republic, weeded out racism among its white members and tried to enlist a large black membership.  It enlisted only a small black membership, which tried to take over the [[Civil Rights Movement]]. Only one major figure in the Civil Rights Movement was a Communist, [[Stanley Levison]] (1912-1979), who was a top advisor to [[Martin Luther King]].<ref>See "Levison, Stanley (1912-1979)" in [http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/kingpapers/article/levison_stanley_1912_1979/ ''King Encyclopedia'' online]</ref>  

After 1930 the Party strongly supported creation of a Negro Soviet Socialist Republic, weeded out racism among its white members and tried to enlist a large black membership.  It enlisted only a small black membership, which tried to take over the [[Civil Rights Movement]]. Only one major figure in the Civil Rights Movement was a Communist, [[Stanley Levison]] (1912-1979), who was a top advisor to [[Martin Luther King]].<ref>See "Levison, Stanley (1912-1979)" in [http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/kingpapers/article/levison_stanley_1912_1979/ ''King Encyclopedia'' online]</ref>  

The Party had a small but influential following among intellectuals and artists, especially in New York City in the 1930s and early 1940s. In 1935 the Party leaders created the "[[League of American Writers]]," downplaying the Party connection and overtly Marxist dogmas in an attempt to attract liberal, middle-class writers of established stature; after several years as a prestigious and broadly based organization, however, the league broke into hostile factions of progressives and Communists over such international issues as the Moscow show trials and the Hitler-Stalin Pact.  

The Party had a small but influential following among intellectuals and artists, especially in New York City in the 1930s and early 1940s. In 1935 the Party leaders created the "[[League of American Writers]]," downplaying the Party connection and overtly Marxist dogmas in an attempt to attract liberal, middle-class writers of established stature; after several years as a prestigious and broadly based organization, however, the league broke into hostile factions of progressives and Communists over such international issues as the Moscow show trials and the Hitler-Stalin Pact.  

A bitter the conflict broke out between anti-Soviet liberals and anti-Stalinist Marxists on one side, and pro-Soviet "progressives," a group that sympathized with the CPUSA in the People's Front during 1935-39.  The anti-Soviet faction, led in part by philosopher [[John Dewey]], had a solid grasp of Stalinism allowing the liberals, the anti-Stalinist Marxists, and the ex-Marxists like [[James Burnham]] and [[John Dos Passos]] to join forces.  The disillusionment of American independent Marxists with the Stalinist USSR grew rapidly after 1938.  They decided the party line of the CPUSA was lacking in "scientific morality," and became embittered by Stalin's purge trials. By 1940, they no longer distinguished between Stalin and Marxist Russia, but considered Marxism there a failed experiment. The anti-Stalinist views of such critics as [[Sidney Hook]], [[Max Eastman]], [[Whittaker Chambers]] and [[James Burnham]] grew into a rationale for Cold War anti-communism by the 1950s.<ref>See  Judy Kutulas, ''The Long War: The Intellectual People's Front and Anti-Stalinism'' (1995)</ref>

A bitter the conflict broke out between anti-Soviet liberals and anti-Stalinist Marxists on one side, and pro-Soviet "progressives," a group that sympathized with the CPUSA in the People's Front during 1935-39.  The anti-Soviet faction, led in part by philosopher [[John Dewey]], had a solid grasp of Stalinism allowing the liberals, the anti-Stalinist Marxists, and the ex-Marxists like [[James Burnham]] and [[John Dos Passos]] to join forces.  The disillusionment of American independent Marxists with the Stalinist USSR grew rapidly after 1938.  They decided the party line of the CPUSA was lacking in "scientific morality," and became embittered by Stalin's purge trials. By 1940, they no longer distinguished between Stalin and Marxist Russia, but considered Marxism there a failed experiment. The anti-Stalinist views of such critics as [[Sidney Hook]], [[Max Eastman]], [[Whittaker Chambers]] and [[James Burnham]] grew into a rationale for Cold War anti-Communism by the 1950s.<ref>See  Judy Kutulas, ''The Long War: The Intellectual People's Front and Anti-Stalinism'' (1995)</ref>

Most of the intellectual broke with the Party—usually in 1939 when Stalin made an alliance with Hitler.  The writers often wrote memoirs, including [[Howard Fast]]'s ''The Naked God'' (1957), [[Richard Wright]]'s ''American Hunger'' (1977), [[Elizabeth Bentley]]'s ''Out of Bondage'' (1952), and—by far the most influential—Whittaker Chambers's ''Witness'' (1952). Typically the memoirs  show a common pattern of chronicling their authors' conversion to, disillusionment with, and repudiation of Communism, often followed by an overt effort to fight against the Communist movement. These memoirs also discuss the religious aspects of both joining and leaving the Communist Party, and their authors' subsequent roles as expert witnesses against Communism in court cases. Howard Fast's later memoir, ''Being Red'' (1990), differs from his earlier ones in that it builds upon the standard narratives common to ex-Communist memoirs to explore a larger view of the native tradition of American radicalism and its meaning for the author.

Most of the intellectual broke with the Party—usually in 1939 when Stalin made an alliance with Hitler.  The writers often wrote memoirs, including [[Howard Fast]]'s ''The Naked God'' (1957), [[Richard Wright]]'s ''American Hunger'' (1977), [[Elizabeth Bentley]]'s ''Out of Bondage'' (1952), and—by far the most influential—Whittaker Chambers's ''Witness'' (1952). Typically the memoirs  show a common pattern of chronicling their authors' conversion to, disillusionment with, and repudiation of Communism, often followed by an overt effort to fight against the Communist movement. These memoirs also discuss the religious aspects of both joining and leaving the Communist Party, and their authors' subsequent roles as expert witnesses against Communism in court cases. Howard Fast's later memoir, ''Being Red'' (1990), differs from his earlier ones in that it builds upon the standard narratives common to ex-Communist memoirs to explore a larger view of the native tradition of American radicalism and its meaning for the author.

===Rural Reds===

===Rural Reds===

Marxism rarely flourished in rural America, but it did have a base in Sheridan County, northeastern Montana, from 1918 to 1934. Communism "saturated local political, social, and cultural life," created a chasm between "the reds" and nonreds, or "mainstreeters," and contributed to tension in the community. The Communist Party drew its greatest following from the farming and mining areas of the county, in particular those areas settled heavily by Danes and Norwegians. Rural cooperatives were the focus of Marxist activity and supported a vibrant counterculture of "farmer-based radicalism." Communists played on anticapitalistic sentiments, doing so effectively even in churches. Mainstreeters associated communism with criminality, a connection that clearly impeded the spread of communism in the county.<ref>Gerald Zahavi, "'Who's Going To Dance With Somebody Who Calls You A Mainstreeter': Communism, Culture, and Community in Sheridan County, Montana, 1918-1934." ''Great Plains Quarterly'' 1996 16(4): 251-286. 0275-7664</ref>

Marxism rarely flourished in rural America, but it did have a base in Sheridan County, northeastern Montana, from 1918 to 1934. Communism "saturated local political, social, and cultural life," created a chasm between "the Reds" and non-Reds, or "main streeters," and contributed to tension in the community. The Communist Party drew its greatest following from the farming and mining areas of the county, in particular those areas settled heavily by Danes and Norwegians. Rural cooperatives were the focus of Marxist activity and supported a vibrant counterculture of "farmer-based radicalism." Communists played on anticapitalistic sentiments, doing so effectively even in churches. Main streeters correctly associated Communism with criminality, a connection that clearly impeded the spread of Communism in the county.<ref>Gerald Zahavi, "'Who's Going To Dance With Somebody Who Calls You A Mainstreeter': Communism, Culture, and Community in Sheridan County, Montana, 1918-1934." ''Great Plains Quarterly'' 1996 16(4): 251-286. 0275-7664</ref>

==Supporting Hitler==

==Supporting Hitler==

Although membership in the CPUSA rose to about 75,000 [http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/archives/sova.html] by 1938, nearly a third of its members left the party after the signing of the [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact]] [[nonaggression pact|Nonaggression Pact]] of 1939 pact with [[Hitler]].  A committed core remained in the ranks.  

Although membership in the CPUSA rose to about 75,000 [http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/archives/sova.html] by 1938, nearly a third of its members left the party after the signing of the [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact]] [[nonaggression pact|Nonaggression Pact]] of 1939 pact with [[Hitler]].  A committed core remained in the ranks.  

In 1939-41 the CPUSA attacked enemies of Hitler, even accusing [[Winston Churchill]] and [[Franklin Delano Roosevelt]] of provoking aggression against Hitler. The CPUSA went so far as to denounce the [[Polish]] government as fascist after the German and Soviet invasion.

In 1939-41 the CPUSA attacked enemies of Hitler, even accusing [[Winston Churchill]] and [[Franklin Delano Roosevelt]] of provoking aggression against Hitler. The CPUSA went so far as to denounce the [[Polish]] government as "fascist" after the German and Soviet invasion.

[[Benjamin Gitlow]], a Communist who later broke with the Party, wrote in 1940: "Stalin's hopes, through the activities of the American Communist Party, to create a public opinion in tbe United States that would favor a war ...Stalin is perfectly willing to let Americans die in defense of the Soviet Union even if they are not members

[[Benjamin Gitlow]], a Communist who later broke with the Party, wrote in 1940: "Stalin's hopes, through the activities of the American Communist Party, to create a public opinion in tbe United States that would favor a war ...Stalin is perfectly willing to let Americans die in defense of the Soviet Union even if they are not members of the Commumist Party...." <ref>Benjamin Gitlow, ''I Confess'', New York: E P. Dutton, lnc., 1940, pgs. 485-486.</ref>

of the Commumist Party...." <ref>Benjamin Gitlow, ''I Confess'', New York: E P. Dutton, lnc., 1940, pgs. 485-486.</ref>

==World War II==

==World War II==

Communist unionism during the war was best exemplified by the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU). Its leadership was one of the most consistent proponents of Communist Party labor policies in the CIO and the rank-and-file consisted of a large number of Communists, Communist sympathizers and fellow travelers. While neither a puppet of Soviet foreign policy nor a carbon copy of CIO unionism, Communism in the ILWU was different from other forms of American unionism, even when similar policies were pursued, and Communist union activities were motivated by political considerations, even when these activities appeared to be regular union practices.<ref>Michael Torigian, "National Unity on the Waterfront: Communist Politics and the ILWU during the Second World War." ''Labor History'' 1989 30(3): 409-432. 0023-656x</ref>  

Communist unionism during the war was best exemplified by the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union (ILWU). Its leadership was one of the most consistent proponents of Communist Party labor policies in the CIO and the rank-and-file consisted of a large number of Communists, Communist sympathizers and fellow travelers. While neither a puppet of Soviet foreign policy nor a carbon copy of CIO unionism, Communism in the ILWU was different from other forms of American unionism, even when similar policies were pursued, and Communist union activities were motivated by political considerations, even when these activities appeared to be regular union practices.<ref>Michael Torigian, "National Unity on the Waterfront: Communist Politics and the ILWU during the Second World War." ''Labor History'' 1989 30(3): 409-432. 0023-656x</ref>

 

===American Labor Party===

===American Labor Party===

 

Stalin publicly disbanded the Comintern in 1943. A Moscow NKVD message to all stations on September 12, 1943 detailed instructions for handling intelligence sources within the CPUSA after the disestablishment of the Comintern.  Earl Browder had been both Chairman of the CPUSA and recruiter for the [[NKVD]] (in the [[Venona project]] he is known as Agent "HELMSMAN"). He was expelled from the leadership when Soviet policy shifted. His crime had been to follow Moscow’s orders in 1941 and "disband" the party in a show of unity with the US Government. But the NKGB thought his services worth keeping, and they succeeded in covertly financing him, by setting him up as a representative of Soviet publishers. Even then, that didn't work, as Browder was dropped after violating the Party Line again in favor of [[Titoism]]. Lovestone said of Browder, "There, but for an accident of geography, walks a dead man".

Stalin publicly disbanded the Comintern in 1943. A Moscow NKVD message to all stations on 12 September 1943 detailed instructions for handling intelligence sources within the CPUSA after the disestablishment of the Comintern.  Earl Browder had been both Chairman of the CPUSA and recruiter for the [[NKVD]] (in the [[Venona project]] he is known as Agent "HELMSMAN"). He was expelled from the leadership when Soviet policy shifted. His crime had been to follow Moscow’s orders in 1941 and “disband” the party in a show of unity with the US Government. But the NKGB thought his services worth keeping, and they succeeded in covertly financing him, by setting him up as a representative of Soviet publishers. Even then, that didn't work, as Browder was dropped after violating the Party Line again in favor of [[Titoism]]. Lovestone said of Browder, "There, but for an accident of geography, walks a dead man".

As the [[Presidential election of 1944]] approached Browder and [[Sidney Hillman]] teamed up to capture the [[American Labor Party]]. Hilman’s [[CIO]] enjoyed a favored position before the [[National Labor Relations Board]].

As the [[Presidential election of 1944]] approached Browder and [[Sidney Hillman]] teamed up to capture the [[American Labor Party]]. Hilman’s [[CIO]] enjoyed a favored position before the [[National Labor Relations Board]].

President Truman's Executive Order 9835 of 22 March 1947 tightened protections against subversive infiltration of the US Government, defining disloyalty as membership on a list of subversive organizations maintained by the Attorney General.

President Truman's Executive Order 9835 of 22 March 1947 tightened protections against subversive infiltration of the US Government, defining disloyalty as membership on a list of subversive organizations maintained by the Attorney General.

Truman’s denunciations of the charges against Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White, and others, all of whom appear under code names in decrypted messages translated before Truman left office, suggest that Truman was never briefed on the Venona program, or if he was briefed, did not grasp its significance. Truman insisted Republicans trumped up the loyalty issue, and that wartime espionage had been insignificant and well contained by counteritelligence agencies.

Truman’s denunciations of the charges against Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White, and others, all of whom appear under code names in decrypted messages translated before Truman left office, suggest that Truman was never briefed on the Venona program, or if he was briefed, did not grasp its significance. Truman insisted Republicans trumped up the loyalty issue, and that wartime espionage had been insignificant and well contained by counteritelligence agencies.

It was the belief of opponents of the CPUSA such as [[J. Edgar Hoover]], long-time director of the FBI, and [[Joseph McCarthy]] and other [[anticommunism|anticommunists]] that the CPUSA constituted an active conspiracy, was secretive, loyal to a foreign power, and dedicated to the clandestine infiltration of American cultural and political institutions.<ref>This is the "traditionalist" view of conservative scholars such as Harvey Klehr and John Earl Haynes.   Senator [[Daniel Patrick Moynihan]], Chairman of the Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy wrote in 1997, "President Truman was almost willfully obtuse as regards American Communism."</ref>

It was the belief of opponents of the CPUSA such as [[J. Edgar Hoover]], long-time director of the FBI, and [[Joseph McCarthy]] and other [[anticommunism|anti-Communists]] that the CPUSA constituted an active conspiracy, was secretive, loyal to a foreign power, and dedicated to the clandestine infiltration of American cultural and political institutions.<ref>This is the "traditionalist" view of conservative scholars such as Harvey Klehr and John Earl Haynes. Senator [[Daniel Patrick Moynihan]], Chairman of the Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy wrote in 1997, "President Truman was almost willfully obtuse as regards American Communism."</ref>

===Purged from Unions===

===Purged from Unions===

===Subversive Activities Control Act ===

===Subversive Activities Control Act ===

In the "Findings and declarations of fact" of the [[United States Congress]] in the [[Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950]], in 50 [[U.S. Code]] Chapter 23 Subchapter IV Sec. 841, that,

In the "Findings and declarations of fact" of the [[United States Congress]] in the [[Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950]], in 50 [[U.S. Code]] Chapter 23 Subchapter IV Sec. 841, that,

:"The Congress finds and declares that the Communist Party of the United States, although purportedly a political party, is in fact an instrumentality of a conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States...the policies and programs of the Communist Party are secretly prescribed for it by the foreign leaders...members of the Communist Party are recruited for indoctrination with respect to its objectives and methods, and are organized, instructed, and disciplined to carry into action slavishly the assignments given them....Its role as the agency of a hostile foreign power renders its existence a clear present and continuing danger to the security of the United States. It is the means whereby individuals are seduced into the service of the world Communist movement, trained to do its bidding, and directed and controlled in the conspiratorial performance of their revolutionary services.<ref>[http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/html/uscode50/usc_sec_50_00000841----000-.html Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, 50 U.S. Code Chapter 23 Subchapter IV Sec. 841]</ref>

:"The Congress finds and declares that the Communist Party of the United States, although purportedly a political party, is in fact an instrumentality of a conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States...the policies and programs of the Communist Party are secretly prescribed for it by the foreign leaders...members of the Communist Party are recruited for indoctrination with respect to its objectives and methods, and are organized, instructed, and disciplined to carry into action slavishly the assignments given them....Its role as the agency of a hostile foreign power renders its existence a clear present and continuing danger to the security of the United States. It is the means whereby individuals are seduced into the service of the world Communist movement, trained to do its bidding, and directed and controlled in the conspiratorial performance of their revolutionary services.<ref>[http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/html/uscode50/usc_sec_50_00000841----000-.html Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950, 50 U.S. Code Chapter 23 Subchapter IV Sec. 841]</ref>

===1950s===

===1950s===

Soviet leader [[Nikita Khrushchev]] made a stunning secret speech in Moscow in 1956 that exposed Joseph Stalin's crimes and errors while putting forth a revised version of Leninism that emphasized the idea of peaceful coexistence between the United States and the Soviet Union. Copies soon reached the CPUSE  and created deep divisions. The Party was already in crisis because of McCarthyism. The CPUSA's National Executive Committee (NEC) convened to discuss Khrushchev's remarks, giving only secondary attention to Stalin's crimes and full attention to Khrushchev's comments about peaceful coexistence and the role of insurrection in the transition to socialism in countries with powerful capitalist classes. In the end, Khrushchev's report led to demoralization within the CPUSA, emboldened the Right's rejection of Marxism, and damaged the credibility of Leftism.<ref>Harris, Jerry. First Reaction: U.S. Communist Leaders Confront The Khrushchev Revelations. Science & Society 1997-98 61(4): 502-512. 0036-8237</ref>  

Soviet leader [[Nikita Khrushchev]] made a stunning secret speech in Moscow in 1956 that exposed Joseph Stalin's crimes and errors while putting forth a revised version of Leninism that emphasized the idea of "peaceful coexistence" between the United States and the Soviet Union. Copies soon reached the CPUSA and created deep divisions. The Party was already in crisis because of McCarthyism. The CPUSA's National Executive Committee (NEC) convened to discuss Khrushchev's remarks, giving only secondary attention to Stalin's crimes and full attention to Khrushchev's comments about peaceful coexistence and the role of insurrection in the transition to socialism in countries with powerful capitalist classes. In the end, Khrushchev's report led to demoralization within the CPUSA, emboldened the Right's rejection of Marxism, and damaged the credibility of Leftism.<ref>Harris, Jerry. First Reaction: U.S. Communist Leaders Confront The Khrushchev Revelations. Science & Society 1997-98 61(4): 502-512. 0036-8237</ref>

==Further reading==

==Further reading==

* Alexander, Robert J. ''The Right Opposition: The Lovestoneites and the International Communist Opposition of the 1930s.'' (1981). 342 pp.

* Alexander, Robert J. ''The Right Opposition: The Lovestoneites and the International Communist Opposition of the 1930s.'' (1981). 342 pp.