Changes

'''The French Revolution''' was a 1789 revolution which began the modern era.  In a sequence of upheavals, it saw the downfall of King [[Louis XVI]], rise of [[Robespierre]] and the [[Reign of Terror]], a chaos wherein thousands were [[guillotine]]d for political differences.  

'''The French Revolution''' was a 1789 revolution which began the modern era.  In a sequence of upheavals, it saw the downfall of King [[Louis XVI]], rise of [[Robespierre]] and the [[Reign of Terror]], a chaos wherein thousands were [[guillotine]]d for political differences.  

Radicals saw the Catholic Church as the enemy and promoted in its place a [[Cult of Reason]].  The Revolution emerged in part from the [[rationalism]] of the [[Enlightenment]] which distrusted all established institutions.  It inspired fear into European monarchs and aristocrats as well as conservative intellectuals like [[Edmund Burke]] in Britain, who mobilized to fight the Revolution, and finally succeeded in 1815.  

Radicals saw the Catholic Church as the enemy and promoted in its place a [[Cult of Reason]].  The Revolution emerged in part from the [[rationalism]] of the [[Enlightenment]] which distrusted all established institutions.  It inspired fear into European monarchs and aristocrats as well as conservative intellectuals like [[Edmund Burke]] in Britain, who mobilized to fight the Revolution, and finally succeeded in 1815.

 

==Social structure of Old Regime==

==Social structure of Old Regime==

Before the Revolution, France had three levels in its social system: The First Estate (The Clergy), Second Estate(The Nobility) and Third Estate(Anyone else). The [[First Estate]] consisted of about 0.6%. It owned roughly 10% of the land, which it rented to peasants in return for a proportion of crops produced. On top of this it collected tithes, a tax on the income of parishioners, which was meant to contribute to the upkeep of the local clergy. [[Image:3estates.jpg|thumb|320px|left]] The First Estate were exempt from most taxes because of the Church's role in poor relief, health care and education, and instead  they paid a voluntary gift called the don gratuit to the monarchy. The Church paid this annually, and decided how much it would pay and varied depending on the power of the King or the mood of the Church, which was usually about 5% of its income. The [[Second Estate]] was about 2% of the population and they controlled 20% of the land.  These were the nobility, and they too paid very little taxes.  The [[Third Estate]] was everyone else, and they were badly overtaxed by the monarch.  This overtaxing was one of the major causes of the [[French]] Revolution.   

Before the Revolution, France had three levels in its social system: The First Estate (The Clergy), Second Estate(The Nobility) and Third Estate(Anyone else). The [[First Estate]] consisted of about 0.6%. It owned roughly 10% of the land, which it rented to peasants in return for a proportion of crops produced. On top of this it collected tithes, a tax on the income of parishioners, which was meant to contribute to the upkeep of the local clergy. [[Image:3estates.jpg|thumb|320px|left]] The First Estate were exempt from most taxes because of the Church's role in poor relief, health care and education, and instead  they paid a voluntary gift called the don gratuit to the monarchy. The Church paid this annually, and decided how much it would pay and varied depending on the power of the King or the mood of the Church, which was usually about 5% of its income. The [[Second Estate]] was about 2% of the population and they controlled 20% of the land.  These were the nobility, and they too paid very little taxes.  The [[Third Estate]] was everyone else, and they were badly overtaxed by the monarch.  This overtaxing was one of the major causes of the [[French]] Revolution.   

==Chronology of the French Revolution==

==Chronology of the French Revolution==

 

[[Image:Paris1789.jpg|thumb|425px]]

[[Image:Paris1789.jpg|thumb|425px]]  

 

Several costly wars, the [[War of Austrian Succession]] (1740-8), the [[Seven Years War]] (1756-63) and the American Revolution (1778–83), had reduced the government to the verge of bankruptcy. The deficit for 1786 would be 112 million ''livres'', nearly a quarter of total income. Due to the poorly organised taxation system it was impossible for the King and his finance minister to make up the deficit without serious reforms. In 1787 he called a meeting of 144 leading nobles, the Assembly of Notables, to attempt to persuade them to pay tax in return for increased powers. The nobles refused his requests and were supported by the local assembly; the Parlement de Paris.  

Several costly wars, the [[War of Austrian Succession]] (1740-8), the [[Seven Years War]] (1756-63) and the American Revolution (1778–83), had reduced the government to the verge of bankruptcy. The deficit for 1786 would be 112 million ''livres'', nearly a quarter of total income. Due to the poorly organised taxation system it was impossible for the King and his finance minister to make up the deficit without serious reforms. In 1787 he called a meeting of 144 leading nobles, the Assembly of Notables, to attempt to persuade them to pay tax in return for increased powers. The nobles refused his requests and were supported by the local assembly; the Parlement de Paris.  

==1789 - Year of Revolution==

==1789 - Year of Revolution==

With growing unrest and France nearing bankruptcy, the King agreed to call the Estates-Generale in May 1789. The [[Estate-Generale]] was divided into the three estates, with the first two estates (nobility and clergy) electing their representatives. The third estate representation required a series of elections in which all property owners over the age of twenty-five were eligible to take part. They elected a group of electors, who in turn chose delegates. The delegates themselves were overwhelmingly middle class, including the young lawyer [[Maximilien Robespierre]]. Furthermore, the Third Estate was required to produce a list of grievances known as ''cahiers''.

With growing unrest and France nearing bankruptcy, the King agreed to call the Estates-Generale in May 1789. The [[Estate-Generale]] was divided into the three estates, with the first two estates (nobility and clergy) electing their representatives. The third estate representation required a series of elections in which all property owners over the age of twenty-five were eligible to take part. They elected a group of electors, who in turn chose delegates. The delegates themselves were overwhelmingly middle class, including the young lawyer [[Maximilien Robespierre]]. Furthermore, the Third Estate was required to produce a list of grievances known as ''cahiers''.

===The Great Fear===

===The Great Fear===

During the week following the storming of the Bastille, news of events spread to the rest of France. This led to a panic as to what the response of the nobility would be to the events, The [[Great Fear]] or panic resulted. Many villages defended themselves against imaginary threats by forming peasant militias; riots occurred and peasants proceeded to burn wealthy homes.

During the week following the storming of the Bastille, news of events spread to the rest of France. This led to a panic as to what the response of the nobility would be to the events, The [[Great Fear]] or panic resulted. Many villages defended themselves against imaginary threats by forming peasant militias; riots occurred and peasants proceeded to burn wealthy homes.

===A New Government===

===A New Government===

France was slowly becoming a republic. Although the United States was well known as a republic, a European republic was still alien to the thoughts of most French, including revolutionaries. Negotiations over the new constitution continued, with Mirabeau and Lafayette appealing for calm less the King withdraw from negotiation. [[Jean Paul Marat]] took a less moderate line. Marat argued for universal suffrage and for the King to retain only an advisory role, a constitutional monarchy such as those seen in the [[United Kingdom]] or [[Sweden]] to this day.  

France was slowly becoming a republic. Although the United States was well known as a republic, a European republic was still alien to the thoughts of most French, including revolutionaries. Negotiations over the new constitution continued, with Mirabeau and Lafayette appealing for calm less the King withdraw from negotiation. [[Jean Paul Marat]] took a less moderate line. Marat argued for universal suffrage and for the King to retain only an advisory role, a constitutional monarchy such as those seen in the [[United Kingdom]] or [[Sweden]] to this day.  

===Anniversary Pledge===

===Anniversary Pledge===

In July 1790 on the first anniversary of the storming of the Bastille a large ceremony was held in Paris at which members of the Government and the King pledges themselves to uphold the 'law, the nation and the King'. This represents a compromise in that the King was still seen as central, however all pledges had previously been to the King alone, and the King was required to make no pledge.

In July 1790 on the first anniversary of the storming of the Bastille a large ceremony was held in Paris at which members of the Government and the King pledges themselves to uphold the 'law, the nation and the King'. This represents a compromise in that the King was still seen as central, however all pledges had previously been to the King alone, and the King was required to make no pledge.

===Declaration of the Rights of Woman===

===Declaration of the Rights of Woman===

In 1791, a French journalist named [[Olympe de Gouges]] proposed a “[[Declaration of the Rights of Woman]],” (inspired by the writings of [[Mary Wollstonecraft]]) but the National Assembly rejected her proposal. She, like many other leaders of that time, was eventually executed by guillotine. Other sans-culotte groups were established including the [[Society of Revolutionary Women]]

In 1791, a French journalist named [[Olympe de Gouges]] proposed a “[[Declaration of the Rights of Woman]],” (inspired by the writings of [[Mary Wollstonecraft]]) but the National Assembly rejected her proposal. She, like many other leaders of that time, was eventually executed by guillotine. Other sans-culotte groups were established including the [[Society of Revolutionary Women]]

==1791: New Start==

==1791: New Start==

Politics in France became divided between the moderate [[Girondins]] and the more radical [[Jacobins]]. At this point the Girondins appeared to be in the stronger position, however the Jacobins were growing in strength. At this point the Jacobins were led by [[Robespierre]], who made a strong speech in favor of a republic.

Politics in France became divided between the moderate [[Girondins]] and the more radical [[Jacobins]]. At this point the Girondins appeared to be in the stronger position, however the Jacobins were growing in strength. At this point the Jacobins were led by [[Robespierre]], who made a strong speech in favor of a republic.

===Second Revolution===

===Second Revolution===

Paris was divided, with 20,000 signing a petition to support the full restoration of an absolute monarchy and a foreign army was invading France rapidly. Moderates such as Mme Roland supported withdrawal from Paris, whereas Maton would accept no backward step. On 10 August a larger demonstration marched on the palace demanding the removal of the King.

Paris was divided, with 20,000 signing a petition to support the full restoration of an absolute monarchy and a foreign army was invading France rapidly. Moderates such as Mme Roland supported withdrawal from Paris, whereas Maton would accept no backward step. On 10 August a larger demonstration marched on the palace demanding the removal of the King.

==The Convention as the new government==

==The Convention as the new government==

On the day following the victory Valmy in September 1792, the newly elected French Government (the Convention). The Convention declared France to be an 'Indivisible Republic'. The Convention was made of three factions; the [[Girondins]], the [[Montagnards]] (including Robespierre, Danton and Marat) and the [[Grenouilles de la Marais]] or the Plain. Robespierre won an argument to allow a public gallery for debates.

On the day following the victory Valmy in September 1792, the newly elected French Government (the Convention). The Convention declared France to be an 'Indivisible Republic'. The Convention was made of three factions; the [[Girondins]], the [[Montagnards]] (including Robespierre, Danton and Marat) and the [[Grenouilles de la Marais]] or the Plain. Robespierre won an argument to allow a public gallery for debates.

Whereas the Exagérés wished simply to destroy Catholicism, and in the temples of Reason political rather than moral doctrines were taught. Robespierre desired that the civic religion should have a moral code which he based on the two dogmas of God and the immortality of the soul. He was of the opinion that the idea of God had a social value, that public morality depended on it and that Catholics would more readily support the republic under the auspices of a Supreme Being.<ref>''Catholic Encyclopdeia,'' (1911) [http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13009a.htm "French Revolution"]</ref>

Whereas the Exagérés wished simply to destroy Catholicism, and in the temples of Reason political rather than moral doctrines were taught. Robespierre desired that the civic religion should have a moral code which he based on the two dogmas of God and the immortality of the soul. He was of the opinion that the idea of God had a social value, that public morality depended on it and that Catholics would more readily support the republic under the auspices of a Supreme Being.<ref>''Catholic Encyclopdeia,'' (1911) [http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13009a.htm "French Revolution"]</ref>

===Calendar reform===

===Calendar reform===

During the first days of the Republic, provision had been made for dating public documents from "the first year of the French Republic," but no definite plan for a revised calendar had been proposed. A decree of 2 January 1793, provided for the second year of the Republic to begin on 1 January 1793. The new calendar lasted until 1806. Instead of Sunday, the new calendar had a ten-day week with a rest called "décadi," every tenth day.  It hardly mattered—few peasants used calendars in the first place, and the religious-minded kept track of holy days they celebrated in secret.

During the first days of the Republic, provision had been made for dating public documents from "the first year of the French Republic," but no definite plan for a revised calendar had been proposed. A decree of 2 January 1793, provided for the second year of the Republic to begin on 1 January 1793. The new calendar lasted until 1806. Instead of Sunday, the new calendar had a ten-day week with a rest called "décadi," every tenth day.  It hardly mattered—few peasants used calendars in the first place, and the religious-minded kept track of holy days they celebrated in secret.

===Economic controls===

===Economic controls===

On 29 September 1793, in the Law of the Maximum was formulated to deal with the steady rise in prices of the necessities of life.  Committees of experts had been appointed to study the whole subject.  Prices were set  at one and one-third its price in 1790, transportation costs were regulated at a fixed rate, a 5 per cent markup was allowed the wholesaler and 10 per cent to the retailer. Bertrand Barrere declared, "The needs of the people will no longer be spied upon in order that the commercial classes may arbitrarily take advantage".

On 29 September 1793, in the Law of the Maximum was formulated to deal with the steady rise in prices of the necessities of life.  Committees of experts had been appointed to study the whole subject.  Prices were set  at one and one-third its price in 1790, transportation costs were regulated at a fixed rate, a 5 per cent markup was allowed the wholesaler and 10 per cent to the retailer. Bertrand Barrere declared, "The needs of the people will no longer be spied upon in order that the commercial classes may arbitrarily take advantage".

==The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution==

==The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution==

Despite his military failures in Egypt, General [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, [[Lucien Bonaparte]], president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'état on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred.  Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.<ref>Furet (1996) p 212</ref>

Despite his military failures in Egypt, General [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, [[Lucien Bonaparte]], president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'état on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred.  Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.<ref>Furet (1996) p 212</ref>

==Impact of the Revolution==

==Impact of the Revolution==

===Impact on France===

===Impact on France===

The soldiers of the 1790s became the heroes for future republicans, who admired the equality of all before the draft, the requirement to serve in person, the human qualities of flair, enthusiasm, generosity of spirit, and patriotism, as well as the upward mobility that could turn peasants into officers. The soldier was spared the denunciation heaped on one political faction or the other.<ref>Alan Forrest, "L'armee De l'an II: La Levee en Masse et la Creation d'un Mythe Republicain."  ''Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française'' 2004 (335): 111-130. Issn: 0003-4436</ref>

The soldiers of the 1790s became the heroes for future republicans, who admired the equality of all before the draft, the requirement to serve in person, the human qualities of flair, enthusiasm, generosity of spirit, and patriotism, as well as the upward mobility that could turn peasants into officers. The soldier was spared the denunciation heaped on one political faction or the other.<ref>Alan Forrest, "L'armee De l'an II: La Levee en Masse et la Creation d'un Mythe Republicain."  ''Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française'' 2004 (335): 111-130. Issn: 0003-4436</ref>

===Impact on World===

===Impact on World===

===Republican tradition===

===Republican tradition===

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the Enlightenment who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref>See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the Enlightenment who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref>See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

===Bourbon history===

===Bourbon history===

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

===Marxists===

===Marxists===

Karl Marx had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref>

Karl Marx had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref>

The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy.  Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959),<ref>See

The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy.  Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959),<ref>See LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> and Albert Soboul (1914-1982),<ref>Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the sans-culottes (the urban poor).<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html]</ref> That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791–99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.  

LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> and Albert Soboul (1914-1982),<ref>Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the sans-culottes (the urban poor).<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html]</ref> That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791–99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.  

The Marxist approach was a simple model that claimed to simultaneously explain the Revolution's origins, its internal dynamics and its long-term consequences. The dominance of the Left in French intellectual life ensured the theory was dominant for decades, but it had serious flaws. As English scholar Alfred Cobban explained, feudalism as a system had withered away long before the Revolution abolished its last vestiges in the form of seigniorial rights. Furthermore, where Marxists saw a self-conscious, capitalist bourgeois class, Cobban revealed only a loose collection of disparate social groups that did not include the industrialists and businessmen but rather the officeholders and lawyers. These men led the revolution not as spokesmen for the forces of capitalism; rather they were state-builders.  Other scholars showed the nobility was not parasitic obstructionist and reactionary caste of Republican or Marxist writing, but rather a diverse and open group whose leaders actively promoted political and economic modernization.<ref>Alfred Cobban, ''The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution'' (1962); Doyle (1999) ch 2; John Dunne, "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition]</ref>

The Marxist approach was a simple model that claimed to simultaneously explain the Revolution's origins, its internal dynamics and its long-term consequences. The dominance of the Left in French intellectual life ensured the theory was dominant for decades, but it had serious flaws. As English scholar Alfred Cobban explained, feudalism as a system had withered away long before the Revolution abolished its last vestiges in the form of seigniorial rights. Furthermore, where Marxists saw a self-conscious, capitalist bourgeois class, Cobban revealed only a loose collection of disparate social groups that did not include the industrialists and businessmen but rather the officeholders and lawyers. These men led the revolution not as spokesmen for the forces of capitalism; rather they were state-builders.  Other scholars showed the nobility was not parasitic obstructionist and reactionary caste of Republican or Marxist writing, but rather a diverse and open group whose leaders actively promoted political and economic modernization.<ref>Alfred Cobban, ''The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution'' (1962); Doyle (1999) ch 2; John Dunne, "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition]</ref>

</blockquote>

</blockquote>

In other words, all the events of the French Revolution had little lasting effect on everyday life.

In other words, all the events of the French Revolution had little lasting effect on everyday life.

===Regions and localities===

===Regions and localities===

Thanks to the postmodern emphasis on the specific rather than the general, instead of the old emphasis on Paris there has been much greater emphasis on regional and local conditions. Postmodern historians tend to see the French Revolution as a haphazard event with random and largely unforeseen consequences, to the dismay of old Marxists like [[Eric Hobsbawm]] (1917-2012).<ref>E. J. Hobsbawm, "The Making of a 'Bourgeois Revolution'" ''Social Research'' 2004 71(3): 455-480. Issn: 0037-783x Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

Thanks to the postmodern emphasis on the specific rather than the general, instead of the old emphasis on Paris there has been much greater emphasis on regional and local conditions. Postmodern historians tend to see the French Revolution as a haphazard event with random and largely unforeseen consequences, to the dismay of old Marxists like [[Eric Hobsbawm]] (1917-2012).<ref>E. J. Hobsbawm, "The Making of a 'Bourgeois Revolution'" ''Social Research'' 2004 71(3): 455-480. Issn: 0037-783x Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

===International===

===International===

Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--[[Atlantic history|in the Atlantic world]]—in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences. The comparative approach was pioneered by American historian Robert Palmer.<ref>Robert R. Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800.'' (2 vol 1959), [http://www.questia.com/read/22790906 vol 1 online]</ref>

Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--[[Atlantic history|in the Atlantic world]]—in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences. The comparative approach was pioneered by American historian Robert Palmer.<ref>Robert R. Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800.'' (2 vol 1959), [http://www.questia.com/read/22790906 vol 1 online]</ref>

==Further reading==

==Further reading==

* Schama, Simon. ''Citizens. A Chronicle of the French Revolution'' (1989), highly readable narrative by scholar [http://www.amazon.com/Citizens-Simon-Schama/dp/0141017279/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705186&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

* Schama, Simon. ''Citizens. A Chronicle of the French Revolution'' (1989), highly readable narrative by scholar [http://www.amazon.com/Citizens-Simon-Schama/dp/0141017279/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705186&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

* Sutherland, D.M.G. ''France 1789–1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2003, 430pp [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Empire-Quest-Civic/dp/0631233636/ref=sr_1_1/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189597597&sr=1-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]

* Sutherland, D.M.G. ''France 1789–1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2003, 430pp [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Empire-Quest-Civic/dp/0631233636/ref=sr_1_1/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189597597&sr=1-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]

===Historiography===

===Historiography===

* Censer, Jack R. "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution." ''Journal of Social History 2003'' 37(1): 145-150. Issn: 0022-4529 Fulltext: in [[Project Muse]] and [[Ebsco]]  

* Censer, Jack R. "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution." ''Journal of Social History 2003'' 37(1): 145-150. Issn: 0022-4529 Fulltext: in [[Project Muse]] and [[Ebsco]]  

* Lefebvre, Georges. ''The French Revolution'' (2 vol 1957) classic Marxist synthesis. [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-vol-1-by-georges-lefebvre-elizabeth-moss-evanson.jsp complete online edition vol 1]; also [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0231085982/ref=sib_dp_pt/103-4827826-5463040#reader-link excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]

* Lefebvre, Georges. ''The French Revolution'' (2 vol 1957) classic Marxist synthesis. [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-vol-1-by-georges-lefebvre-elizabeth-moss-evanson.jsp complete online edition vol 1]; also [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0231085982/ref=sib_dp_pt/103-4827826-5463040#reader-link excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]

* Rothenberg, Gunther E. "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon," ''Journal of Interdisciplinary History,'' Vol. 18, No. 4, (Spring, 1988), pp.&nbsp;771–793 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-1953%28198821%2918%3A4%3C771%3ATOCAEO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]

* Rothenberg, Gunther E. "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon," ''Journal of Interdisciplinary History,'' Vol. 18, No. 4, (Spring, 1988), pp.&nbsp;771–793 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-1953%28198821%2918%3A4%3C771%3ATOCAEO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]

== See also ==

== See also ==

* [[Gallery of French Heroes]]

* [[Gallery of French Heroes]]

[[Category:French Revolution| ]]

[[Category:French Revolution| ]]

[[Category:French History]]

[[Category:French History]]

[[Category:Tax Revolts]]

[[Category:Tax Revolts]]