Changes

Attorney General [[Eric Holder]] was among the Obama administration officials joining Hillary Clinton on the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States at the time the Uranium One deal was approved. Multiple current and former government officials told The Hill they did not know whether the FBI or DOJ ever alerted committee members to the criminal activity they uncovered.<ref>http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/355749-fbi-uncovered-russian-bribery-plot-before-obama-administration </ref>}}

Attorney General [[Eric Holder]] was among the Obama administration officials joining Hillary Clinton on the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States at the time the Uranium One deal was approved. Multiple current and former government officials told The Hill they did not know whether the FBI or DOJ ever alerted committee members to the criminal activity they uncovered.<ref>http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/355749-fbi-uncovered-russian-bribery-plot-before-obama-administration </ref>}}

Mueller's  investigation was centered in Maryland, Tenam’s home base. There, the U.S. attorney was Obama appointee Rod Rosenstein — later appointed deputy attorney general.

Mueller's  investigation was centered in Maryland, Tenam’s home base. There, the U.S. attorney was Obama appointee Rod Rosenstein — later appointed deputy attorney general. The Maryland District Court indictment of Tenam boss Vadim Mikerin and three others said that the FBI paid attention to suspicious financial transactions after a tip from William Campbell, or CS-1.<ref>http://compromatwiki.org/Ядерные_схемы_Вадима_Микерина </ref> Camphell said the FBI informed him President Obama was briefed while the investigation was ongoing.<ref>https://www.cnsnews.com/blog/michael-w-chapman/atty-toensing-uranium-scandal-obama-was-briefed-russian-bribery-kickback </ref>  

 

The Maryland District Court indictment of Tenam boss Vadim Mikerin and three others said that the FBI paid attention to suspicious financial transactions after a tip from William Campbell, or CS-1.<ref>http://compromatwiki.org/Ядерные_схемы_Вадима_Микерина </ref> Camphell said the FBI informed him President Obama was briefed while the investigation was ongoing.<ref>https://www.cnsnews.com/blog/michael-w-chapman/atty-toensing-uranium-scandal-obama-was-briefed-russian-bribery-kickback </ref>  

In 2009, according to the prosecution, Mikerin asked Campbell for kickbacks for the right to sign a contract with Tenex for lobbying and consulting services, as well as assistance in public relations for the Russian nuclear industry. These payments, according to Campbell, Mikerin called the "system" or "window". Cambell was worried about this agreement and went to the FBI, where he was asked to continue to participate in the kickback scheme, giving the bureau all the information.

In 2009, according to the prosecution, Mikerin asked Campbell for kickbacks for the right to sign a contract with Tenex for lobbying and consulting services, as well as assistance in public relations for the Russian nuclear industry. These payments, according to Campbell, Mikerin called the "system" or "window". Cambell was worried about this agreement and went to the FBI, where he was asked to continue to participate in the kickback scheme, giving the bureau all the information.

According to Campbell's testimony the consulting company paid $460,000 as kickbacks. Moreover, the appetite of the recipients grew. For implementation of the first contract in 2009, Tenex was supposed to pay the consulting company $150,000 for three months, and Mikerin wanted a third of this sum as a kickback. Payments under the second contract were $550,000 for 11 months, and Mikerin required about half as a kickback.

According to Campbell's testimony the consulting company paid $460,000 as kickbacks. Moreover, the appetite of the recipients grew. For implementation of the first contract in 2009, Tenex was supposed to pay the consulting company $150,000 for three months, and Mikerin wanted a third of this sum as a kickback. Payments under the second contract were $550,000 for 11 months, and Mikerin required about half as a kickback. In 2011, Mikerin allegedly extended the contract for 11 months in the interests of Tenex.

 

In 2011, Mikerin allegedly extended the contract for 11 months in the interests of Tenex.

Mikerin was arrested on a complaint describing a racketeering scheme that stretched back to 2004 and included [[extortion]], [[fraud]], and money laundering. Money-laundering carries a penalty of up to 20 years’ imprisonment — not only for [[conspiracy]] but for each act of money laundering (at section 1956 of the penal code). But Mikerin was permitted by Rosenstein to plead guilty to an offense charged under the catch-all federal conspiracy provision (section 371) that criminalizes agreements to commit any crime against the United States. Section 371 prescribes a sentence of zero to five years’ imprisonment. The plea agreement shows that the Obama DOJ’s Fraud Section was then run by Andrew Weissmann.

Mikerin was arrested on a complaint describing a racketeering scheme that stretched back to 2004 and included [[extortion]], [[fraud]], and money laundering. Money-laundering carries a penalty of up to 20 years’ imprisonment — not only for [[conspiracy]] but for each act of money laundering (at section 1956 of the penal code). But Mikerin was permitted by Rosenstein to plead guilty to an offense charged under the catch-all federal conspiracy provision (section 371) that criminalizes agreements to commit any crime against the United States. Section 371 prescribes a sentence of zero to five years’ imprisonment. The plea agreement shows that the Obama DOJ’s Fraud Section was then run by Andrew Weissmann.

The Justice Department instructs prosecutors that when Congress has given a federal offense its own conspiracy provision with a heightened punishment (as it has for money laundering, racketeering, narcotics trafficking, and other serious crimes), they may not charge a section 371 conspiracy. Section 371 is for less serious conspiracy cases. Using it for money laundering — which caps the sentence below Congress’s intent for that behavior — subverts federal law and signals to the court that the prosecutor does not regard the offense as major.

The Justice Department instructs prosecutors that when Congress has given a federal offense its own conspiracy provision with a heightened punishment (as it has for money laundering, racketeering, narcotics trafficking, and other serious crimes), they may not charge a section 371 conspiracy. Section 371 is for less serious conspiracy cases. Using it for money laundering — which caps the sentence below Congress’s intent for that behavior — subverts federal law and signals to the court that the prosecutor does not regard the offense as major.

Yet, that is exactly what Rosenstein’s office did, in a plea agreement his prosecutors co-signed with attorneys from the Justice Department’s Fraud Section. (See in ''The Hill''’s report, the third document embedded at the bottom, titled “Mikerin Plea Deal.”) No RICO, no extortion, no fraud — and the plea agreement does not to mention any of the extortions in 2009 and 2010, before Committee on Foreign Investment in the US approved Rosatom’s acquisition of Uranium One. Mikerin just plead guilty to a nominal “money laundering” conspiracy charge, insulating him from a longer sentence. Thus, he got a term of only four years’ for a major [[national security]] crime.

Yet, that is exactly what Rosenstein’s office did, in a plea agreement his prosecutors co-signed with attorneys from the Justice Department’s Fraud Section. (See in ''The Hill''’s report, the third document embedded at the bottom, titled “Mikerin Plea Deal.”) No RICO, no extortion, no fraud — and the plea agreement does not to mention any of the extortions in 2009 and 2010, before Committee on Foreign Investment (CFIUS) in the US approved Rosatom’s acquisition of Uranium One. Mikerin just plead guilty to a nominal “money laundering” conspiracy charge, insulating him from a longer sentence. Thus, he got a term of only four years’ for a major [[national security]] crime.

 

 

[[File:2015-08-07-d47f891b large.jpg|right|350px|thumb|Some of the details of the Uranium One deal and "the future of the energy industry" were worked out in a private meeting between Bill Clinton. Frank Giustra, and Kazatomprom President Moukhtar Dzhakishev in Chappaqua, New York on February 27, 2007. The 'Russian Reset' was necessary to complete the deal.]]

[[File:2015-08-07-d47f891b large.jpg|right|350px|thumb|Some of the details of the Uranium One deal and "the future of the energy industry" were worked out in a private meeting between Bill Clinton. Frank Giustra, and Kazatomprom President Moukhtar Dzhakishev in Chappaqua, New York on February 27, 2007. The 'Russian Reset' was necessary to complete the deal.]]

Before Hillary Clinton could assume her post as [[Secretary of State]] in 2009, the White House demanded that she sign a memorandum of understanding placing limits on Bill Clinton's foundation activities. To avoid the perception of conflicts of interest, beyond the ban on foreign government donations, the foundation was required to publicly disclose all contributors. None of the Uranium One shareholders donations were disclosed after the Rosatom approval. These donations to the [[Clinton Foundation]] totaled some $130 million.<ref>Uranium One Chairman Ian Telfer alone donated through his private Fernwood Foundation $1 million in 2009, the year his company appealed to the U.S. Embassy to help it keep its mines in Kazakhstan; $250,000 in 2010, the year the Russians sought majority control; $600,000 in 2011; and $500,000 in 2012. Telfer’s undisclosed donations came in addition to between $1.3 million and $5.6 million in contributions, which were reported, from a constellation of people with ties to Uranium One or Ur­Asia, the company that originally acquired Uranium One’s most valuable asset: the Kazakhstan mines.<br>

Before Hillary Clinton could assume her post as [[Secretary of State]] in 2009, the White House demanded that she sign a memorandum of understanding placing limits on Bill Clinton's foundation activities. To avoid the perception of conflicts of interest, beyond the ban on foreign government donations, the foundation was required to publicly disclose all contributors. None of the Uranium One shareholders donations were disclosed after the Rosatom approval. These donations to the [[Clinton Foundation]] totaled some $130 million.<ref>Uranium One Chairman Ian Telfer alone donated through his private Fernwood Foundation $1 million in 2009, the year his company appealed to the U.S. Embassy to help it keep its mines in Kazakhstan; $250,000 in 2010, the year the Russians sought majority control; $600,000 in 2011; and $500,000 in 2012. Telfer’s undisclosed donations came in addition to between $1.3 million and $5.6 million in contributions, which were reported, from a constellation of people with ties to Uranium One or Ur­Asia, the company that originally acquired Uranium One’s most valuable asset: the Kazakhstan mines.<br>