Changes

http://www.newsweek.com/how-robert-mueller-connected-probe-hillary-clintons-uranium-one-deal-688548 </ref>

http://www.newsweek.com/how-robert-mueller-connected-probe-hillary-clintons-uranium-one-deal-688548 </ref>

The investigation began as an intelligence probe into Russian nuclear officials. Mueller's investigation also obtained an eyewitness, William Campell (known as CS-1 in court records) — backed by documents, recordings, and emails  — indicating Russian nuclear officials routed millions of dollars to the U.S. designed to benefit former President [[Bill Clinton]]’s foundation during the time [[Secretary of State]] [[Hillary Clinton]] served on the Committee on Foreign Investment, a government body that provided the approval of the sale of Uranium One to Rosatom.<ref>http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/355749-fbi-uncovered-russian-bribery-plot-before-obama-administration </ref>

The investigation began as an intelligence probe into Russian nuclear officials. Mueller's investigation also obtained an eyewitness, William Campell (known as CS-1 in court records) — backed by documents, recordings, and emails  — indicating Russian nuclear officials routed millions of dollars to the U.S. designed to benefit former President [[Bill Clinton]]’s foundation during the time [[Secretary of State]] [[Hillary Clinton]] served on the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) a government body that provided the approval of the sale of Uranium One to Rosatom.<ref>http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/355749-fbi-uncovered-russian-bribery-plot-before-obama-administration </ref>

The investigation found kickbacks paid in cash and some in foreign wire transfers. From April 2009 to April 2011, the wire transfers went to Wiser Trading, registered in the [[Seychelles]]. From July 2011 to July 2013 - to the British Leila Global Limited account in a Latvian bank. And from August 2013 to May 2014 - to Ollins Development in the British Virgin Islands.

The investigation found kickbacks paid in cash and some in foreign wire transfers. From April 2009 to April 2011, the wire transfers went to Wiser Trading, registered in the [[Seychelles]]. From July 2011 to July 2013 - to the British Leila Global Limited account in a Latvian bank. And from August 2013 to May 2014 - to Ollins Development in the British Virgin Islands.

''The Hill'' reported that

''The Hill'' reported that {{Quotebox|the FBI had gathered substantial evidence that Russian nuclear industry officials were engaged in bribery, kickbacks, extortion and money laundering designed to grow Vladimir Putin’s atomic energy business inside the United States, according to government documents and interviews.

{{Quotebox|the FBI had gathered substantial evidence that Russian nuclear industry officials were engaged in bribery, kickbacks, extortion and money laundering designed to grow Vladimir Putin’s atomic energy business inside the United States, according to government documents and interviews.

Federal agents used a confidential U.S. witness working inside the Russian nuclear industry to gather extensive financial records, make secret recordings and intercept emails as early as 2009 that showed Moscow had compromised an American uranium trucking firm with bribes and kickbacks in violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, FBI and court documents show.

Federal agents used a confidential U.S. witness working inside the Russian nuclear industry to gather extensive financial records, make secret recordings and intercept emails as early as 2009 that showed Moscow had compromised an American uranium trucking firm with bribes and kickbacks in violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, FBI and court documents show.

Attorney General [[Eric Holder]] was among the Obama administration officials joining Hillary Clinton on the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States at the time the Uranium One deal was approved. Multiple current and former government officials told The Hill they did not know whether the FBI or DOJ ever alerted committee members to the criminal activity they uncovered.<ref>http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/355749-fbi-uncovered-russian-bribery-plot-before-obama-administration </ref>}}

Attorney General [[Eric Holder]] was among the Obama administration officials joining Hillary Clinton on the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States at the time the Uranium One deal was approved. Multiple current and former government officials told The Hill they did not know whether the FBI or DOJ ever alerted committee members to the criminal activity they uncovered.<ref>http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/355749-fbi-uncovered-russian-bribery-plot-before-obama-administration </ref>}}

Mueller's  investigation was centered in Maryland, Tenam’s home base. There, the U.S. attorney was Obama appointee Rod Rosenstein — later appointed deputy attorney general. The Maryland District Court indictment of Tenam boss Vadim Mikerin and three others said that the FBI paid attention to suspicious financial transactions after a tip from William Campbell, or CS-1.<ref>http://compromatwiki.org/Ядерные_схемы_Вадима_Микерина </ref> Camphell said the FBI informed him President Obama was briefed while the investigation was ongoing.<ref>https://www.cnsnews.com/blog/michael-w-chapman/atty-toensing-uranium-scandal-obama-was-briefed-russian-bribery-kickback </ref>  

Mueller's  investigation was centered in Maryland, Tenex's home base. There, the U.S. attorney was Obama appointee Rod Rosenstein — later appointed deputy attorney general. The Maryland District Court indictment of Tenex boss Vadim Mikerin and three others said that the FBI paid attention to suspicious financial transactions after a tip from William Campbell, or CS-1.<ref>http://compromatwiki.org/Ядерные_схемы_Вадима_Микерина </ref> Camphell said the FBI informed him President Obama was briefed while the investigation was ongoing.<ref>https://www.cnsnews.com/blog/michael-w-chapman/atty-toensing-uranium-scandal-obama-was-briefed-russian-bribery-kickback </ref>  

In 2009, according to the prosecution, Mikerin asked Campbell for kickbacks for the right to sign a contract with Tenex for lobbying and consulting services, as well as assistance in public relations for the Russian nuclear industry. These payments, according to Campbell, Mikerin called the "system" or "window". Cambell was worried about this agreement and went to the FBI, where he was asked to continue to participate in the kickback scheme, giving the bureau all the information.

In 2009, according to the prosecution, Mikerin asked Campbell for kickbacks for the right to sign a contract with Tenex for lobbying and consulting services, as well as assistance in public relations for the Russian nuclear industry. These payments, according to Campbell, Mikerin called the "system" or "window". Cambell was worried about this agreement and went to the FBI, where he was asked to continue to participate in the kickback scheme, giving the bureau all the information.

According to Campbell's testimony the consulting company paid $460,000 as kickbacks. Moreover, the appetite of the recipients grew. For implementation of the first contract in 2009, Tenex was supposed to pay the consulting company $150,000 for three months, and Mikerin wanted a third of this sum as a kickback. Payments under the second contract were $550,000 for 11 months, and Mikerin required about half as a kickback. In 2011, Mikerin allegedly extended the contract for 11 months in the interests of Tenex.

According to Campbell's testimony he paid $460,000 as kickbacks. Moreover, the appetite of Tenex grew. For implementation of the first contract in 2009, Tenex was supposed to pay William's company $150,000 for three months, and Mikerin wanted a third of this sum as a kickback. Payments under the second contract were $550,000 for 11 months, and Mikerin required about half as a kickback. In 2011, Mikerin allegedly extended the contract for 11 months in the interests of Tenex.

Mikerin was arrested on a complaint describing a racketeering scheme that stretched back to 2004 and included [[extortion]], [[fraud]], and money laundering. Money-laundering carries a penalty of up to 20 years’ imprisonment — not only for [[conspiracy]] but for each act of money laundering (at section 1956 of the penal code). But Mikerin was permitted by Rosenstein to plead guilty to an offense charged under the catch-all federal conspiracy provision (section 371) that criminalizes agreements to commit any crime against the United States. Section 371 prescribes a sentence of zero to five years’ imprisonment. The plea agreement shows that the Obama DOJ’s Fraud Section was then run by Andrew Weissmann.

Mikerin was arrested on a complaint describing a racketeering scheme that stretched back to 2004 and included [[extortion]], [[fraud]], and money laundering. Money-laundering carries a penalty of up to 20 years’ imprisonment — not only for [[conspiracy]] but for each act of money laundering (at section 1956 of the penal code). But Mikerin was permitted by Rod Rosenstein to plead guilty to an offense charged under the catch-all federal conspiracy provision (section 371) that criminalizes agreements to commit any crime against the United States. Section 371 prescribes a sentence of zero to five years’ imprisonment. The plea agreement shows that the Obama DOJ’s Fraud Section was then run by Andrew Weissmann.

[[File:2015-08-07-d47f891b large.jpg|right|350px|thumb|Some of the details of the Uranium One deal and "the future of the energy industry" were worked out in a private meeting between Bill Clinton. Frank Giustra, and Kazatomprom President Moukhtar Dzhakishev in Chappaqua, New York on February 27, 2007. The 'Russian Reset' was necessary to complete the deal.]]

[[File:2015-08-07-d47f891b large.jpg|right|350px|thumb|Some of the details of the Uranium One deal and "the future of the energy industry" were worked out in a private meeting between Bill Clinton. Frank Giustra, and Kazatomprom President Moukhtar Dzhakishev in Chappaqua, New York on February 27, 2007. The 'Russian Reset' was necessary to complete the deal.]]

The Justice Department instructs prosecutors that when Congress has given a federal offense its own conspiracy provision with a heightened punishment (as it has for money laundering, racketeering, narcotics trafficking, and other serious crimes), they may not charge a section 371 conspiracy. Section 371 is for less serious conspiracy cases. Using it for money laundering — which caps the sentence below Congress’s intent for that behavior — subverts federal law and signals to the court that the prosecutor does not regard the offense as major. Yet, that is exactly what Rosenstein’s office did, in a plea agreement his prosecutors co-signed with attorneys from the Justice Department’s Fraud Section. (See in ''The Hill''’s report, the third document embedded at the bottom, titled “Mikerin Plea Deal.”) No RICO, no extortion, no fraud — and the plea agreement does not to mention any of the extortions in 2009 and 2010, before Committee on Foreign Investment (CFIUS) in the US approved Rosatom’s acquisition of Uranium One. Mikerin just plead guilty to a nominal “money laundering” conspiracy charge, insulating him from a longer sentence. Thus, he got a term of only four years’ for a major [[national security]] crime.

The Justice Department instructs prosecutors that when Congress has given a federal offense its own conspiracy provision with a heightened punishment (as it has for money laundering, racketeering, narcotics trafficking, and other serious crimes), they may not charge a section 371 conspiracy. Section 371 is for less serious conspiracy cases. Using it for money laundering — which caps the sentence below Congress’s intent for that behavior — subverts federal law and signals to the court that the prosecutor does not regard the offense as major. Yet, that is exactly what Rosenstein’s office did, in a plea agreement his prosecutors co-signed with attorneys from the Justice Department’s Fraud Section. (See in ''The Hill''’s report, the third document embedded at the bottom, titled “Mikerin Plea Deal.”) No RICO, no extortion, no fraud — and the plea agreement does not to mention any of the extortions in 2009 and 2010, before Committee on Foreign Investment (CFIUS) in the US approved Rosatom’s acquisition of Uranium One. Mikerin just plead guilty to a nominal “money laundering” conspiracy charge, insulating him from a longer sentence. Thus, he got a term of only four years’ for a major [[national security]] crime.