Changes

Permeation is another ideological trait of Fabianism.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=a56hc3uASjoC&pg=PA114|last1=Miller|first1=Elizabeth|title=Slow Print: Literary Radicalism and Late Victorian Print Culture|date=2013|publisher=[[Stanford University]] Press|pages=113–115}}</ref>

Permeation is another ideological trait of Fabianism.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=a56hc3uASjoC&pg=PA114|last1=Miller|first1=Elizabeth|title=Slow Print: Literary Radicalism and Late Victorian Print Culture|date=2013|publisher=[[Stanford University]] Press|pages=113–115}}</ref>

===Exclusivity===

===Prosperous membership===

Along with their viewpoint of evolutionary socialism, the Society's exclusivity is the second of two major disagreements with Marxist ideology.  The [[Dictatorship of the proletariat]] is a major part of Marxism and pretty much any "worker" can join and be a part of "the cause", but Fabians are highly exclusive.  In examining their early membership: Shaw, the Webbs, Pease, Podmore, etc., etc., they were all members of high society, well off, and highly educated.  Shaw, Besant, Nesbit and others were all authors and academics and the Webbs were intellectuals.  Others, like Hubert Bland were born into well-off families.  Edward Pease noted that "W.L. Phillips, a house-painter, at that time the only "genuine working man" in our ranks."

Along with their viewpoint of evolutionary socialism, the Society's exclusivity is the second of two major disagreements with Marxist ideology.  The [[Dictatorship of the proletariat]] is a major part of Marxism and pretty much any "worker" can join and be a part of "the cause", but Fabians are highly exclusive and upper class.  In examining their early membership: Shaw, the Webbs, Pease, Podmore, etc., etc., they were all members of high society, well off, and highly educated.  Shaw, Besant, Nesbit and others were all authors and academics and the Webbs were intellectuals.  Others, like Hubert Bland were born into well-off families.  Edward Pease noted that "W.L. Phillips, a house-painter, at that time the only "genuine working man" in our ranks."

This exclusivity caused some consternation among the early Fabians with [[H. G. Wells]] publishing "Faults of the Fabian".<ref name="Pease" />

This exclusivity caused some consternation among the early Fabians with [[H. G. Wells]] publishing "Faults of the Fabian".<ref name="Pease" />

Since its inception, the Young Fabians generally target college-educated youth.

Since its inception, the Young Fabians generally target college-educated youth.

For the reasons of Fabian exclusivity, some Marxists look upon Fabians as being members of the proletarian class.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Trotsky |first1=Leon |url=https://marxists.anu.edu.au/archive/trotsky/works/britain/ch04.htm |title= The Fabian 'theory' of socialism |work=Marxists.org |quote=In the top layers of the Labour Party, a certain number of Fabian intellectuals and liberals who have joined out of despair, but in the first place it is to be firmly hoped that workers will sooner or later sweep this dross out, and in the second place the four-and-a-half million votes which are cast for the Labour Party are already today (with minor exceptions) the votes of British workers. As yet by no means all workers vote for their party. But it is almost solely workers who do vote for the Labour Party.  By this we do not at all mean that the Fabians, the ILPers and the Liberal defectors exert no influence on the working class. On the contrary, their influence is very great but it is not fixed. The reformists who are fighting against a proletarian class consciousness are, in the final reckoning, a tool of the ruling class.  Throughout the whole history of the British Labour movement there has been pressure by the bourgeoisie upon the proletariat through the agency of radicals, intellectuals, drawing-room and church socialists and Owenites who reject the class struggle and advocate the principle of social solidarity, preach collaboration with the bourgeoisie, bridle, enfeeble and politically debase the proletariat. }}</ref>

For the reasons of how the Fabians set their sights on well-off upper class members of society, some Marxists look upon Fabians as being a part of the proletarian class.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Trotsky |first1=Leon |url=https://marxists.anu.edu.au/archive/trotsky/works/britain/ch04.htm |title= The Fabian 'theory' of socialism |work=Marxists.org |quote=In the top layers of the Labour Party, a certain number of Fabian intellectuals and liberals who have joined out of despair, but in the first place it is to be firmly hoped that workers will sooner or later sweep this dross out, and in the second place the four-and-a-half million votes which are cast for the Labour Party are already today (with minor exceptions) the votes of British workers. As yet by no means all workers vote for their party. But it is almost solely workers who do vote for the Labour Party.  By this we do not at all mean that the Fabians, the ILPers and the Liberal defectors exert no influence on the working class. On the contrary, their influence is very great but it is not fixed. The reformists who are fighting against a proletarian class consciousness are, in the final reckoning, a tool of the ruling class.  Throughout the whole history of the British Labour movement there has been pressure by the bourgeoisie upon the proletariat through the agency of radicals, intellectuals, drawing-room and church socialists and Owenites who reject the class struggle and advocate the principle of social solidarity, preach collaboration with the bourgeoisie, bridle, enfeeble and politically debase the proletariat. }}</ref>

==London School of Economics==

==London School of Economics==