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'''Huey Pierce Long Jr.''' (August 30, 1893 - September 10, 1935), nicknamed "Kingfish,"  was a powerful American politician in the 1920s and 1930s, who built a ruthless [[Democrat]]ic machine in [[Louisiana]] as governor (1928–32) and U.S. Senator (1932-35). His base was among angry poor whites, both Protestant and Catholic (called "[[Rednecks]]" by the middle class enemies of Long.)

'''Huey Pierce Long Jr.''' (August 30, 1893 - September 10, 1935), nicknamed "Kingfish,"  was a powerful American politician in the 1920s and 1930s, who built a ruthless [[Democrat]]ic machine in [[Louisiana]] as governor (1928–32) and U.S. Senator (1932-35). His base was among angry poor whites, both [[Protestant]] and [[Roman Catholic]]s (called "[[Rednecks]]" by the middle class enemies of Long.)

A leftist populist who fought the rich, and promised "Every Man a King," he was preparing to run for president—either in 1940 when [[Franklin Delano Roosevelt]] was expected to retire, or perhaps to challenge FDR's reelection in 1936 in alliance with radio's influential Catholic priest [[Charles Coughlin]]. But Long was assassinated in 1935 by the young physician Carl Weiss, the son-in-law of a political enemy, Judge Benjamin Pavy. Although called a "[[Fascist]]", Long shunned ideology of all sorts, and his dictatorship by patronage, far from being alien, was the apogee of what many American machine politicians have attempted. Pernicious and impracticable as was his leftist Share-Our-Wealth plan, its objective of plenty for all was as intrinsically American as was the title "Kingfish."  Was he dictator, [[demagogue]], messiah or populist—a friend of [[Republicanism|American values]] or an enemy?

A leftist populist who fought the rich, and promised "Every Man a King," he was preparing to run for president—either in 1940 when [[Franklin Delano Roosevelt]] was expected to retire, or perhaps to challenge FDR's reelection in 1936 in alliance with radio's influential Catholic priest Father [[Charles Coughlin]]. But Long was assassinated in 1935 by the young physician Carl Weiss, the son-in-law of a political enemy, Judge Benjamin Pavy. Although called a "[[Fascist]]", Long shunned ideology of all sorts, and his dictatorship by patronage, far from being alien, was the apogee of what many American machine politicians have attempted. Pernicious and impracticable as was his leftist Share-Our-Wealth plan, its objective of plenty for all was as intrinsically American as was the title "Kingfish."  Was he dictator, [[demagogue]], messiah or populist—a friend of [[Republicanism|American values]] or an enemy?

==Early career==

==Early career==

Huey Pierce Long, Jr. was born in Winnfield, Louisiana, in the piney woods region that had a strong [[Populist]] heritage. His father, a farmer, owned a medium-size farm, lived plainly but comfortably and sent six children to college. The family background was culturally meager and was most strongly marked by pious Baptist evangelicalism and by a Populistic animosity toward the wealth and sophistication of the planter class and of "evil" New Orleans. Huey became a salesman after completing his public schooling and married Rose McConnell in 1912. There was something of the confidence man about Long at every stage of his career. As a traveling salesman, whether promoting a cooking shortening called "Cottolene" by staging somewhat fixed baking contests (one of which was won by his future wife), or selling a patent-medicine nostrum called "The Wine of Cardui," Long sometimes seems a figure out of Southwestern humor, a kind of second cousin to Mark Twain's Duke and Dauphin.

Long was born in Winnfield north of [[Alexandria, Louisiana|Alexandria]], Louisiana, in the piney woods region that had a strong [[Populist]] heritage. His father, a farmer, owned a medium-size farm, lived plainly but comfortably but managed to send six children to college. The family background was culturally meager and was most strongly marked by pious [[Southern Baptist]] evangelicalism and by a Populist animosity toward the wealth and sophistication of the planter class and of "evil" New Orleans. Huey became a salesman after completing his public schooling and married Rose McConnell in 1912. There was something of the confidence man about Long at every stage of his career. As a traveling salesman, whether promoting a cooking shortening called "Cottolene" by staging somewhat fixed baking contests (one of which was won by his future wife), or selling a patent-medicine nostrum called "The Wine of Cardui," Long sometimes seems a figure out of Southwestern humor, a kind of second cousin to Mark Twain's Duke and Dauphin.

After finishing the three-year program at Tulane Law School in less than one year, he was admitted to the bar of Louisiana in 1914. He practiced law in Shreveport for the next few years, having secured deferment from military service during World War I.

After finishing the three-year program at Tulane Law School in less than one year, he was admitted to the bar of Louisiana in 1914. He practiced law in Shreveport for the next few years, having secured deferment from military service during [[World War I]].

In 1918, Long narrowly won election to the Third District seat on the three-member Railway Commission (renamed Public Service Commission after 1921). Both as member and as chairman (1922-1926), Long gained fame by his vocal battles with "the interests" which, he asserted, controlled state government, e.g., the [[Standard Oil Company]], telephone companies, and other public utilities.  

In 1918, Long narrowly won election to the Third District seat on the three-member Railroad Commission (renamed Public Service Commission after 1921). Both as member and as chairman (1922-1926), Long gained fame by his vocal battles with "the interests" which, he asserted, controlled state government, e.g., the [[Standard Oil Company]], telephone companies, and other public utilities.  

==Governor==

==Governor==

While serving as Senator, Huey Long originally supported the [[New Deal]] program, but later he recanted his support for it. He wanted [[Franklin Roosevelt|President Roosevelt]] to implement a "Share Our Wealth" program in which no American could have a personal fortune of more than $5,000,000, receive an income of greater than $1,000,000, or receive an inheritance of over $5,000,000. Any money earned after this would be divvied up and supposedly families would receive $2,000 to $2,500. His plan attracted significant support from the nation; it was estimated that he would get 10% of the popular vote in the [[1936 election]].  

While serving as Senator, Huey Long originally supported the [[New Deal]] program, but later he recanted his support for it. He wanted [[Franklin Roosevelt|President Roosevelt]] to implement a "Share Our Wealth" program in which no American could have a personal fortune of more than $5,000,000, receive an income of greater than $1,000,000, or receive an inheritance of over $5,000,000. Any money earned after this would be divvied up and supposedly families would receive $2,000 to $2,500. His plan attracted significant support from the nation; it was estimated that he would get 10% of the popular vote in the [[1936 election]].  

Senator Long broke with [[Roosevelt]] in August 1933, conducted several spectacular filibusters against [[New Deal]] measures, and developed his own rival program --"Share Our Wealth"—by which poverty would be eliminated by confiscating the wealth of the rich and redistributing it equally to everyone. Long, relying on rapidly growing [[membership]] in his "Share Our Wealth" clubs and his large radio audience on [[NBC]], was in position to run for the presidency in 1936 or 1940.<ref>The Rev. Gerald L. K. Smith (1898-1976) was Long's national organizer; in the late 1930s Smith became a prominent enemy of Jews, but he was not openly anti-Semitic during his time with Long. Glen Jeansonne, "Gerald L. K. Smith: from Wisconsin Roots to National Notoriety." ''Wisconsin Magazine of History'' 2002-03 86(2): 18-29. Issn: 0043-6534 [http://www.wisconsinhistory.org/wmh/pdf/wmh_winter02_jeansonne.pdf Fulltext online]</ref>

Senator Long broke with President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] in August 1933, conducted several spectacular filibusters against [[New Deal]] measures, and developed his own rival program --"Share Our Wealth"—by which poverty would be eliminated by confiscating the wealth of the rich and redistributing it equally to everyone. Long, relying on rapidly growing [[membership]] in his "Share Our Wealth" clubs and his large radio audience on [[NBC]], was in position to run for the presidency in 1936 or 1940.<ref>The Rev. Gerald L. K. Smith (1898-1976) was Long's national organizer; in the late 1930s Smith became a prominent enemy of Jews, but he was not openly anti-Semitic during his time with Long. Glen Jeansonne, "Gerald L. K. Smith: from Wisconsin Roots to National Notoriety." ''Wisconsin Magazine of History'' 2002-03 86(2): 18-29. Issn: 0043-6534 [http://www.wisconsinhistory.org/wmh/pdf/wmh_winter02_jeansonne.pdf Fulltext online]</ref>

== Death ==

== Death ==

On Sept. 8, 1935, Long was shot and fatally wounded by Dr. Carl A. Weiss, Jr., in the state capitol at Baton Rouge. Long's bodyguards killed the assassin on the spot; Long himself died on September 10. Although Dr. Weiss was a member of a prominent anti-Long family, his motive probably was personal, not political; he believed that Long had sullied his family's honor.

On Sept. 8, 1935, Long was shot and fatally wounded, presumably by Dr. Carl A. Weiss, Jr., in the state capitol at Baton Rouge. Long's bodyguards killed the assassin on the spot; Long himself died on September 10. Although Dr. Weiss was a member of a prominent anti-Long family, his motive probably was personal, not political; he believed that Long had sullied his family's honor.

Huey Long's book, ''My First Days in the White House'', was published posthumously.

Huey Long's book, ''My First Days in the White House'', was published posthumously.

Southern historian T. Harry Williams, the leading expert on Long, has a mixed evaluation that is mostly positive. Williams argues that Long stands without a rival as the greatest of Southern mass leaders. He asked the Southern United States to turn its gaze from "nigger" devils and take a long, hard look at itself. He asked people to forget the past, the glorious past and the sad past, and address themselves to the present. There is something wrong here, he said, and we can fix it up ourselves. Bluntly, forcibly, even crudely, he injected an element of realism into Southern politics. As Williams notes, not without reason did one of his unfavorable critics say that Long was the first Southerner since Calhoun to have an original idea, the first to extend the boundaries of political thought. Above all, Williams argues, he gave the Southern masses hope. He did some foolish things and some wrong things. There is a tragedy in the story, and perhaps it is not entirely his fault that he did not become the South's peerless Progressive. Perhaps the lesson of Long, says Williams, is that if in a democracy needed changes are denied too long by an interested minority, the changes, when they come, will come with a measure of repression and revenge. Perhaps the gravest indictment that can be made of Southern politics in recent times is that the urge for reform had to be accomplished by pressures that left in leaders like Long a degree of cynicism about the democratic process.<ref>T. Harry Williams, "The Gentleman from Louisiana: Demagogue or Democrat." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1960 26(1): 3-21.</ref>  

Southern historian T. Harry Williams, the leading expert on Long, has a mixed evaluation that is mostly positive. Williams argues that Long stands without a rival as the greatest of Southern mass leaders. He asked the Southern United States to turn its gaze from "nigger" devils and take a long, hard look at itself. He asked people to forget the past, the glorious past and the sad past, and address themselves to the present. There is something wrong here, he said, and we can fix it up ourselves. Bluntly, forcibly, even crudely, he injected an element of realism into Southern politics. As Williams notes, not without reason did one of his unfavorable critics say that Long was the first Southerner since Calhoun to have an original idea, the first to extend the boundaries of political thought. Above all, Williams argues, he gave the Southern masses hope. He did some foolish things and some wrong things. There is a tragedy in the story, and perhaps it is not entirely his fault that he did not become the South's peerless Progressive. Perhaps the lesson of Long, says Williams, is that if in a democracy needed changes are denied too long by an interested minority, the changes, when they come, will come with a measure of repression and revenge. Perhaps the gravest indictment that can be made of Southern politics in recent times is that the urge for reform had to be accomplished by pressures that left in leaders like Long a degree of cynicism about the democratic process.<ref>T. Harry Williams, "The Gentleman from Louisiana: Demagogue or Democrat." ''Journal of Southern History'' 1960 26(1): 3-21.</ref>  

===Long in American literature===

===Long in American literature===

[[File:Canthappenhere.jpg|right|150px|thumb|Theatre poster for Lewis' ''It Can't Happen Here'']]

[[File:Canthappenhere.jpg|right|150px|thumb|Theatre poster for Lewis' ''It Can't Happen Here'']]

Hamilton Basso wrote two novels looking at Long, ''Cinnamon Seed'' (1934) and ''Sun in Capricorn'' (1942). Basso was a slashingly witty critic of the moonlight and magnolia romanticism of the Old South that dominated the Southern mind before 1920. Like many proponents of a New South, he wanted modernizers to take over. ''Cinnamon Seed'''s Harry Brand incorporates more details from the historical Huey Long than any other fictional portrayal does, and much of the novel is so lightly fictionalized that only a single letter separates the characters and places from their real-life counterparts.<ref>For example Basso uses "Tillson" instead of "Wilson", "Janders" rather than "Sanders", "Gwinn Parish" for "Winn Parish".</ref>  Brand is a representative of the grasping and vulgar kind of new leadership which has rightly understood that the values of the Old South are played out but has replaced them with nothing but ambition and cunning. He is a greedy climber, not a demonic leader of the masses, and in fact he is ultimately not much more than an obnoxious and sticky-fingered lout, the kind who spits tobacco juice on the marble floors of his predecessors and pockets the ashtrays. In portraying his Long figure this way, Basso finds himself between the stools, critical of the spent aristocrats who cannot imagine a modern South, but disgusted also by the figures who represent the wrong kind of newness, the kind of modern South that comes to be if its development is left to default.<ref>Perry (2004)</ref>  

Hamilton Basso wrote two novels looking at Long, ''Cinnamon Seed'' (1934) and ''Sun in Capricorn'' (1942). Basso was a slashingly witty critic of the moonlight and magnolia romanticism of the Old South that dominated the Southern mind before 1920. Like many proponents of a New South, he wanted modernizers to take over. ''Cinnamon Seed'''s Harry Brand incorporates more details from the historical Huey Long than any other fictional portrayal does, and much of the novel is so lightly fictionalized that only a single letter separates the characters and places from their real-life counterparts.<ref>For example Basso uses "Tillson" instead of "Wilson", "Janders" rather than "Sanders", "Gwinn Parish" for "Winn Parish".</ref>  Brand is a representative of the grasping and vulgar kind of new leadership which has rightly understood that the values of the Old South are played out but has replaced them with nothing but ambition and cunning. He is a greedy climber, not a demonic leader of the masses, and in fact he is ultimately not much more than an obnoxious and sticky-fingered lout, the kind who spits tobacco juice on the marble floors of his predecessors and pockets the ashtrays. In portraying his Long figure this way, Basso finds himself between the stools, critical of the spent aristocrats who cannot imagine a modern South, but disgusted also by the figures who represent the wrong kind of newness, the kind of modern South that comes to be if its development is left to default.<ref>Perry (2004)</ref>  

John Dos Passos’s ''Number One'' (1943) looks not at the politics of mass brutality whipped up by manipulative demagogues, but at the gradual ebbing away of Long's idealist convictions under the pressure of a thousand expedient compromises and betrayals in the name of institutional necessity.<ref>Perry (2004)</ref>  

[[John Dos Passos]]’s ''Number One'' (1943) looks not at the politics of mass brutality whipped up by manipulative demagogues, but at the gradual ebbing away of Long's idealist convictions under the pressure of a thousand expedient compromises and betrayals in the name of institutional necessity.<ref>Perry (2004)</ref>  

Robert Penn Warren’s Pulitzer prize-winning ''All the King’s Men'' (1946) is the centerpiece of American political fiction.  Warren’s spellbinding Willie Stark, almost as much philosopher as politician, bears the least resemblance to Long though for almost six decades Stark has been Long’s best-known fictional embodiment as a novel and well-received 1949 movie (it won three Oscars, including best picture and best actor as Broderick Crawford played the Long role.).<ref>Perry (2004); Bloom (1987)</ref>   

[[Robert Penn Warren]]’s Pulitzer prize-winning ''All the King’s Men'' (1946) is the centerpiece of American political fiction.  Warren’s spellbinding Willie Stark, almost as much philosopher as politician, bears the least resemblance to Long though for almost six decades Stark has been Long’s best-known fictional embodiment as a novel and well-received 1949 movie (it won three Oscars, including best picture and best actor as Broderick Crawford played the Long role.).<ref>Perry (2004); Bloom (1987)</ref>   

The novelists portray Long's rise to power as a justifiable popular reaction against the selfish policies pursued by the dominant economic interests prior to 1928. They speculate the degree his extremism reflected an overreaction to his enemies, or sprang inevitably from [[class conflict]] in the state. They all try to explain why Long enjoyed majority support in Louisiana, both during and after his lifetime.

The novelists portray Long's rise to power as a justifiable popular reaction against the selfish policies pursued by the dominant economic interests prior to 1928. They speculate the degree his extremism reflected an overreaction to his enemies, or sprang inevitably from [[class conflict]] in the state. They all try to explain why Long enjoyed majority support in Louisiana, both during and after his lifetime.

==See also==

==See also==

*[[James Carville]]

*[[James Carville]]

==Bibliography==

==Bibliography==