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| | When Shell declared his candidacy for governor, he did not expect Nixon to run, because the former vice president had vacillated for several months about a potential candidacy and had a national perspective, rather than extensive interest in state government. Shell remained in the race to carry the banner of the more conservative Republicans, with Nixon hence cast as the "moderate" candidate. Nixon defined himself in his own words as "a conservative — a progressive conservative."<ref name=timem/> The California primary race was covered nationally because Nixon was a national figure who was expected to run again for President in the future, and California was then on the verge of surpassing [[New York]] as the nation's most populous state. Shell was quoted in ''[[Time]]'' magazine that he had "gotten sick and tired of calling people [[liberals]] when they're basically [[socialism|socialists]]."<ref name=timem/> Among Shell's financial backers was A. C. "Cy" Ruble, former chairman of Union Oil Company of California.<ref name=draftgoldwater>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZyNnemM0-osC&pg=PA56&lpg=PA56&dq=Joe+Shell&source=web&ots=Yaq56fGSfC&sig=evtpj883YQrBdWf_5VRcDTC99Rg&hl=en#PPA56,M1|title=Suite 3505: The Story of the Draft Goldwater Movement|publisher=Ashbrook Press|date=1967|author=F. Clifton White and William J. Gill|accessdate=May 13, 2018}}</ref> | | When Shell declared his candidacy for governor, he did not expect Nixon to run, because the former vice president had vacillated for several months about a potential candidacy and had a national perspective, rather than extensive interest in state government. Shell remained in the race to carry the banner of the more conservative Republicans, with Nixon hence cast as the "moderate" candidate. Nixon defined himself in his own words as "a conservative — a progressive conservative."<ref name=timem/> The California primary race was covered nationally because Nixon was a national figure who was expected to run again for President in the future, and California was then on the verge of surpassing [[New York]] as the nation's most populous state. Shell was quoted in ''[[Time]]'' magazine that he had "gotten sick and tired of calling people [[liberals]] when they're basically [[socialism|socialists]]."<ref name=timem/> Among Shell's financial backers was A. C. "Cy" Ruble, former chairman of Union Oil Company of California.<ref name=draftgoldwater>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZyNnemM0-osC&pg=PA56&lpg=PA56&dq=Joe+Shell&source=web&ots=Yaq56fGSfC&sig=evtpj883YQrBdWf_5VRcDTC99Rg&hl=en#PPA56,M1|title=Suite 3505: The Story of the Draft Goldwater Movement|publisher=Ashbrook Press|date=1967|author=F. Clifton White and William J. Gill|accessdate=May 13, 2018}}</ref> |
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| − | In Bakersfield, Mary K. Shell, then Mary Hosking of the Kern County Republican Women's Association, worked for the nomination of her future husband. In the same election, two other conservatives, including [[Howard Jarvis]], the future father of [[California Proposition 13]] (1978), challenged liberal U.S. Senator [[Thomas H. Kuchel]] in the primary. Kuchel easily prevailed to gain renomination. He had initially succeeded Nixon in the Senate in 1953. The 1962 elections were the first in California in which cross-filing across party lines had been abandoned.<ref>''The New York Times'', June 7, 1962, p. 1.</ref> | + | In Bakersfield, Mary K. Shell, then Mary Hosking of the Kern County Republican Women's Association, worked for the nomination of her future husband. In the same election, two other conservatives, including [[Howard Jarvis]], the future father of [[California Proposition 13]] (1978), challenged liberal U.S. Senator [[Thomas H. Kuchel]] (1910-1994) in the primary. Kuchel easily prevailed to gain renomination. He had initially succeeded Nixon in the Senate in 1953. The 1962 elections were the first in California in which cross-filing across party lines had been abandoned.<ref>''The New York Times'', June 7, 1962, p. 1.</ref> |
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| | During the gubernatorial campaign, Shell's plane was sabotaged: somehow, barium was placed in the second fuel tank. Had the pilot not discovered the problem, the plane would have crashed.<ref name=neocons> | | During the gubernatorial campaign, Shell's plane was sabotaged: somehow, barium was placed in the second fuel tank. Had the pilot not discovered the problem, the plane would have crashed.<ref name=neocons> |
| | {{cite web|url=http://howtheneoconsstolefreedom.blogspot.com/2007/07/ronald-reagan-ugly-truth.html|title=How the Neocons Stole Freedom|publisher=Howtheneoconsstolefreedom.blogspot.com|date=July 19, 2007|accessdate=May 13, 2018}}</ref> Nixon's membership in the [[Council on Foreign Relations]], a [[foreign policy]] [[interest group]] distrusted by many conservatives, became an issue in the race. Nixon arranged with the council that his name not appear on public releases as a member. The CFR (Page 42 of the 1952 Report) cautions that "Members of the Council are sometimes obliged, by their acceptance of government posts in [[Washington, D.C.]] and elsewhere, to curtail or suspend for a time their participation in Council activities." | | {{cite web|url=http://howtheneoconsstolefreedom.blogspot.com/2007/07/ronald-reagan-ugly-truth.html|title=How the Neocons Stole Freedom|publisher=Howtheneoconsstolefreedom.blogspot.com|date=July 19, 2007|accessdate=May 13, 2018}}</ref> Nixon's membership in the [[Council on Foreign Relations]], a [[foreign policy]] [[interest group]] distrusted by many conservatives, became an issue in the race. Nixon arranged with the council that his name not appear on public releases as a member. The CFR (Page 42 of the 1952 Report) cautions that "Members of the Council are sometimes obliged, by their acceptance of government posts in [[Washington, D.C.]] and elsewhere, to curtail or suspend for a time their participation in Council activities." |
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| | + | Having himself declared for governor before Nixon entered the race, Shell viewed his opponent as an opportunist who would use the governorship as a springboard to a second presidential campaign. Some of Shell's most conservative backers questioned Nixon's membership in the liberal [[Council on Foreign Relations]], but Nixon was a strong critic of the [[John Birch Society]], whose members Shell thought should be allowed to remain active in the party though its founder, [[Robert Welch]], was a critic of former [[U.S. President]] [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], under whom Nixon had served, was an agent of the "communist conspiracy."<ref>[[Patrick Buchanan]], ''The Greatest Comeback: How Richard Nixon Rose from Defeat to Create the New Majority'' ([[New York City]]: Crown Forum, 2014), pp. 11-12; ISBN: 978-0-533-41863-7.</ref>According to [[Pat Buchanan|Patrick J. Buchanan]], Nixon's long-term aide, the former vice president long blamed Shell's candidacy as a leading factor in Nixon's defeat by Pat Brown in the gubernatorial general election.<ref>Patrick Buchanan, ''Nixon's White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever'', (New York City: Crown Forum, 2017), pp. 46, 228, 239; ISBN:978-1-101-90284-4.</ref> |
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| | Nixon secured an easy primary victory: 1,285,151 votes (65.4 percent) to Shell's 656,542 (33.4 percent),<ref>''Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections, p. 1549.</ref>but he did not immediately consult Shell to seek rapprochement with the conservative wing of the party. Thereafter, he declared that "those who have supported Joe Shell will see that their differences with me are infinitesimal compared with their differences with Brown."<ref name=timem>{{cite web|url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,873594,00.html?promoid=googlep|title=Nation: "Progressive Conservative"|publisher=''[[Time]]'' magazine|date=June 15, 1962|accessdate=May 13, 2018}}</ref> Shell first demanded that Nixon agree to trim state spending by at least $200 million (then 7 percent of the state budget) and to "espouse conservatism" as the price of his endorsement. He asked to be able to name a third of the delegates to the next national convention and to name the party's vice-chairman.<ref>''The New York Times'', June 17, 1962, p. 60.</ref>When a considerable number of Shell's Assembly colleagues objected to the demands that he imposed on the basis of having polled only a third of the primary vote, Shell relented and agreed to endorse Nixon and the entire Republican ticket, including liberal Senator Kuchel. | | Nixon secured an easy primary victory: 1,285,151 votes (65.4 percent) to Shell's 656,542 (33.4 percent),<ref>''Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections, p. 1549.</ref>but he did not immediately consult Shell to seek rapprochement with the conservative wing of the party. Thereafter, he declared that "those who have supported Joe Shell will see that their differences with me are infinitesimal compared with their differences with Brown."<ref name=timem>{{cite web|url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,873594,00.html?promoid=googlep|title=Nation: "Progressive Conservative"|publisher=''[[Time]]'' magazine|date=June 15, 1962|accessdate=May 13, 2018}}</ref> Shell first demanded that Nixon agree to trim state spending by at least $200 million (then 7 percent of the state budget) and to "espouse conservatism" as the price of his endorsement. He asked to be able to name a third of the delegates to the next national convention and to name the party's vice-chairman.<ref>''The New York Times'', June 17, 1962, p. 60.</ref>When a considerable number of Shell's Assembly colleagues objected to the demands that he imposed on the basis of having polled only a third of the primary vote, Shell relented and agreed to endorse Nixon and the entire Republican ticket, including liberal Senator Kuchel. |
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| − | Having himself declared for governor before Nixon entered the race, Shell viewed his opponent as an opportunist who would use the governorship as a springboard to a second presidential campaign. Some of Shell's most conservative backers questioned Nixon's membership in the liberal [[Council on Foreign Relations]], but Nixon was a strong critic of the [[John Birch Society]], whose members Shell thought should be allowed to remain active in the party though its founder, [[Robert Welch]], was a critic of former [[U.S. President]] [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]], under whom Nixon had served, was an agent of the "communist conspiracy."<ref>[[Patrick Buchanan]], ''The Greatest Comeback: How Richard Nixon Rose from Defeat to Create the New Majority'' ([[New York City]]: Crown Forum, 2014), pp. 11-12; ISBN: 978-0-533-41863-7.</ref>According to [[Pat Buchanan|Patrick J. Buchanan]], Nixon's long-term aide, the former vice president long blamed Shell's candidacy as a leading factor in Nixon's defeat by Pat Brown in the gubernatorial general election.<ref>Patrick Buchanan, ''Nixon's White House Wars: The Battles That Made and Broke a President and Divided America Forever'', (New York City: Crown Forum, 2017), pp. 46, 228, 239; ISBN:978-1-101-90284-4.</ref>
| + | Two leading liberal Repubicans refused to support Nixon: Kuchel and former Lieutenant Governor Harold Jay Powers (1900-1998), who had served under former Governor [[Goodwin Knight]] (1896-1970). In retaliation, Nixon declined to endorse Kuchel's successful reelection bid in 1962.<ref name=draftgoldwater/> Powers was particularly critical of what he called Nixon's "cheap attempt to win votes" during the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]], which occurred near the end of the campaign.<ref>''The New York Times'', October 26, 1962, p. 12.</ref> It was unclear what Powers meant, because Nixon had hailed Kennedy's handling of the crisis.<ref>''The New York Times'', October 27, 1962.</ref> Nixon's interest in the Cuban crisis during a gubernatorial race revealed to home-state voters that his concern lay with foreign affairs, rather than California domestic matters, a situation which worked to Brown's advantage. |
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| − | Two leading liberal Repubicans refused to support Nixon: Kuchel and former Lieutenant Governor Harold J. Powers, who had served under former Governor [[Goodwin J. Knight]]. Had his health permitted, Powers would have also run again for governor in 1962. Nixon also declined to endorse Kuchel's successful reelection bid in 1962.<ref name=draftgoldwater/> Powers was particularly critical of what he called Nixon's "cheap attempt to win votes" during the [[Cuban Missile Crisis]], which occurred near the end of the campaign.<ref>''The New York Times'', October 26, 1962, p. 12.</ref> It was unclear what Powers meant, because Nixon had hailed Kennedy's handling of the crisis.<ref>''The New York Times'', October 27, 1962.</ref> Nixon's interest in the Cuban crisis during a gubernatorial race revealed to home-state voters that his concern lay with foreign affairs, rather than California domestic matters, a situation which worked to Brown's advantage. | |
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| | The [[Massachusetts]]-based John Birch Society became an issue in California politics in 1962 as well, as three JBS members, including Representative [[John H. Rousselot]], fought unsuccessfully for seats in the [[United States House of Representatives]]. Nixon was critical of the society's founder, Robert Welch, an erstwhile supporter of U.S. Senator [[Robert A. Taft]] of [[Ohio]], who had declared Dwight Eisenhower, Taft's 1952 nomination opponent under whom Nixon had served as vice president, to have been a "dedicated, conscious agent of the [[communist]] [[conspiracy]]". State Republicans in their convention approved a watered-down resolution condemning the society leadership but not its rank-and-file. Shell was not affiliated with the JBS but opposed any attempts to remove society members from party activities.<ref>''The New York Times'', January 15, 1962, p. 14; January 19, 1962, p. 18.</ref> Nixon supporters claimed that Shell partisans sat out the gubernatorial contest and enabled Brown to win a second term. Conservatives, however, disputed that assertion. Henry Salvatori, a southern California conservative operative, had convinced Shell to endorse Nixon.<ref>''The New York Times'', June 22, 1962, p. 30.</ref> Conservatives claimed that they labored unenthusiastically for Nixon, but it was liberal Republicans, such as Kuchel and Powers, whose refusal to endorse him in the general election that proved decisive. Moreover, Nixon did not draw sufficient Democratic support in a state in which the GOP was in the minority by registration.<ref name=draftgoldwater/> | | The [[Massachusetts]]-based John Birch Society became an issue in California politics in 1962 as well, as three JBS members, including Representative [[John H. Rousselot]], fought unsuccessfully for seats in the [[United States House of Representatives]]. Nixon was critical of the society's founder, Robert Welch, an erstwhile supporter of U.S. Senator [[Robert A. Taft]] of [[Ohio]], who had declared Dwight Eisenhower, Taft's 1952 nomination opponent under whom Nixon had served as vice president, to have been a "dedicated, conscious agent of the [[communist]] [[conspiracy]]". State Republicans in their convention approved a watered-down resolution condemning the society leadership but not its rank-and-file. Shell was not affiliated with the JBS but opposed any attempts to remove society members from party activities.<ref>''The New York Times'', January 15, 1962, p. 14; January 19, 1962, p. 18.</ref> Nixon supporters claimed that Shell partisans sat out the gubernatorial contest and enabled Brown to win a second term. Conservatives, however, disputed that assertion. Henry Salvatori, a southern California conservative operative, had convinced Shell to endorse Nixon.<ref>''The New York Times'', June 22, 1962, p. 30.</ref> Conservatives claimed that they labored unenthusiastically for Nixon, but it was liberal Republicans, such as Kuchel and Powers, whose refusal to endorse him in the general election that proved decisive. Moreover, Nixon did not draw sufficient Democratic support in a state in which the GOP was in the minority by registration.<ref name=draftgoldwater/> |