| Line 7: |
Line 7: |
| | In July 1938 IPR obtained a grant of $90,000 (equivalent to about [http://www.clevelandfed.org/research/Data/US-Inflation/inf_calculator.cfm?first=90000&year1=1938&year2=2012 $1.5 million today]) from the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] to perform a study of Asia. Lattimore wrote to IPR President [[Edward C. Carter]], “I think you were pretty cagey to turn over so much of the China section of the inquiry to Asiaticus, Han-seng and Chi. They will bring out the absolutely essential radical aspects, but can be depended on to do it with the right touch." | | In July 1938 IPR obtained a grant of $90,000 (equivalent to about [http://www.clevelandfed.org/research/Data/US-Inflation/inf_calculator.cfm?first=90000&year1=1938&year2=2012 $1.5 million today]) from the [[Rockefeller Foundation]] to perform a study of Asia. Lattimore wrote to IPR President [[Edward C. Carter]], “I think you were pretty cagey to turn over so much of the China section of the inquiry to Asiaticus, Han-seng and Chi. They will bring out the absolutely essential radical aspects, but can be depended on to do it with the right touch." |
| | | | |
| − | "Asiaticus" was the pen name of the veteran Polish-born Comintern agent in Shanghai, Moses Wolf Grzyb, alias M. G. Shippe (or Schiffe), alias Hans (or Heinz) Muëller (or Moëller). Lattimore frequently published articles under this pseudonym in the IPR journal ''Pacific Affairs'' during his tenure as editor in 1934-41.<ref>Robert P. Newman, ''[http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=ft296nb15t&chunk.id=d0e11129&toc.depth=1&toc.id=d0e4718&brand=eschol Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China]'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), ISBN 0-520-07388-6, p. 452</ref> "Han-seng" was Chen Han-seng, a Soviet agent and member of Richard Sorge's Soviet spy ring.<ref>Maochen Yu, "[http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/ACF1AE.pdf Chen Hansheng's Memoirs and Chinese Communist Espionage]," ''Cold War International History Project Bulletin'', 6-7 (Winter 1995/1996), p. 274; Cf. Chiang, Yung-chen (2001). ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=IRQFRG8O8JYC&pg=PA159 Social Engineering and the Social Sciences in China, 1919-1949]''. Cambridge University Press. pp. 159–163. ISBN 9780521770149</ref> "Chi" was Chi Chao-ting, a U.S.-educated Red Chinese spy who had infiltrated the Kuomintang.<ref>Lifu Chen, [http://books.google.com/books?id=MOT_axUIWooC The Storm Clouds Clear Over China: The Memoir of Chen Li-fu, 1900-1993] (Hoover Press, 1994) ISBN 0817992723, p. 181; Arthur Herman, [http://books.google.com/books?id=DIibZoDyADEC Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator] (Simon and Schuster, 1999) ISBN 0684836254, (p. 126)</ref> | + | "Asiaticus" was the pen name of the veteran Polish-born Comintern agent in Shanghai, Moses Wolf Grzyb, alias M. G. Shippe (or Schiffe), alias Hans (or Heinz) Muëller (or Moëller). Lattimore frequently published articles under this pseudonym in the IPR journal ''Pacific Affairs'' during his tenure as editor in 1934-41.<ref>Robert P. Newman, ''[http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=ft296nb15t&chunk.id=d0e11129&toc.depth=1&toc.id=d0e4718&brand=eschol Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China]'' (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), ISBN 0-520-07388-6, p. 452</ref> "Han-seng" was Chen Han-seng, a Soviet agent and member of Richard Sorge's Soviet spy ring.<ref>Maochen Yu, "[http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/ACF1AE.pdf Chen Hansheng's Memoirs and Chinese Communist Espionage]," ''Cold War International History Project Bulletin'', 6-7 (Winter 1995/1996), p. 274; Cf. Chiang, Yung-chen (2001). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=IRQFRG8O8JYC&pg=PA159 Social Engineering and the Social Sciences in China, 1919-1949]''. Cambridge University Press. pp. 159–163. ISBN 9780521770149</ref> "Chi" was Chi Chao-ting, a U.S.-educated Red Chinese spy who had infiltrated the Kuomintang.<ref>Lifu Chen, [https://books.google.com/books?id=MOT_axUIWooC The Storm Clouds Clear Over China: The Memoir of Chen Li-fu, 1900-1993] (Hoover Press, 1994) ISBN 0817992723, p. 181; Arthur Herman, [https://books.google.com/books?id=DIibZoDyADEC Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator] (Simon and Schuster, 1999) ISBN 0684836254, (p. 126)</ref> |
| | | | |
| | Lattimore went on to write "my hunch is that it will pay to keep behind the official Chinese Communist position," and "as for the USSR -- back their international policy in general, but without using their slogans, and above all without giving them or anybody else the impression of subservience."<ref>Senate Committee on the Judiciary, subcommittee on Internal Secutity, Report: [https://ia801406.us.archive.org/8/items/instituteofpacif1952unit/instituteofpacif1952unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations] (1052), p. 119</ref> | | Lattimore went on to write "my hunch is that it will pay to keep behind the official Chinese Communist position," and "as for the USSR -- back their international policy in general, but without using their slogans, and above all without giving them or anybody else the impression of subservience."<ref>Senate Committee on the Judiciary, subcommittee on Internal Secutity, Report: [https://ia801406.us.archive.org/8/items/instituteofpacif1952unit/instituteofpacif1952unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations] (1052), p. 119</ref> |
| | | | |
| − | In the September 1938 issue of ''Pacific Affairs'', Lattimore described the bloody [[Great Purge|Moscow purge trials]] as "a triumph for Democracy,"<ref>Subcommittee on S. Res. 231, Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, 81st Cong., 2d sess., [http://ia341005.us.archive.org/2/items/statedepartmente195002unit/statedepartmente195002unit_bw.pdf State Department Employee Loyalty Investigation: Hearings, Part II, Appendix] (Washington: U.S. GPO, 1950), p. 1532 (PDF p. 36)</ref> concluding that this orgy of mass murder "sounds like democracy to me."<ref>Paul Hollander, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=rhkswwoTg7MC Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society]'', 4th Ed. (Transaction Publishers, 1998), ISBN 1560009543, p. 165</ref> Lattimore argued that the Soviet Union had a valid claim to be called a [[democracy]], but that Americans were reluctant to admit it, "even when democratic procedures are as plainly stated as they are in the [[Stalin Constitution]]."<ref>''Asia in a New World Order'', by Owen Lattimore, Foreign Policy Report, September 1, 1942.</ref> Lattimore placed the three principals of [[Sun Yat-sen]], Soviet [[collectivism]] and the [[New Deal]] as all akin to one another. | + | In the September 1938 issue of ''Pacific Affairs'', Lattimore described the bloody [[Great Purge|Moscow purge trials]] as "a triumph for Democracy,"<ref>Subcommittee on S. Res. 231, Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, 81st Cong., 2d sess., [http://ia341005.us.archive.org/2/items/statedepartmente195002unit/statedepartmente195002unit_bw.pdf State Department Employee Loyalty Investigation: Hearings, Part II, Appendix] (Washington: U.S. GPO, 1950), p. 1532 (PDF p. 36)</ref> concluding that this orgy of mass murder "sounds like democracy to me."<ref>Paul Hollander, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=rhkswwoTg7MC Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society]'', 4th Ed. (Transaction Publishers, 1998), ISBN 1560009543, p. 165</ref> Lattimore argued that the Soviet Union had a valid claim to be called a [[democracy]], but that Americans were reluctant to admit it, "even when democratic procedures are as plainly stated as they are in the [[Stalin Constitution]]."<ref>''Asia in a New World Order'', by Owen Lattimore, Foreign Policy Report, September 1, 1942.</ref> Lattimore placed the three principals of [[Sun Yat-sen]], Soviet [[collectivism]] and the [[New Deal]] as all akin to one another. |
| | | | |
| − | Lattimore recommended highly ''Challenge of Red China'', written by Guenther Stein, a member of Richard Sorge's Soviet spy ring in Tokyo. Of Communist propagandist<ref>Douglas Martin, "[http://www.nytimes.com/2005/06/02/world/asia/israel-epstein-prominent-chinese-communist-dies-at-90.html Israel Epstein, Prominent Chinese Communist, Dies at 90], ''New York Times'', June 2, 2005. Defecting Soviet espionage courier [[Elizabeth Bentley]] testified that "Israel Epstein had been a member of the Russian Secret Police for many years in China." ([https://ia802705.us.archive.org/28/items/instituteofpacif02unit/instituteofpacif02unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations, Vol. 2], Hearings before the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, 1951, p. 435)</ref> Israel Epstein's ''Unfinished Revolution in China'' he wrote, "When he pleads his case the arguments pile up like a wedge." When Lattimore resigned as editor of ''Pacific Affairs'', he was succeeded by Michael Greenberg, a Communist Party member. Lattimore then became a member of the editorial board of the notorious journal ''[[Amerasia]]'', in the offices of which OSS agents would find hundreds of stolen US government documents, mostly pertaining to China, many labeled "Secret" or "Top Secret." | + | Lattimore recommended highly ''Challenge of Red China'', written by Guenther Stein, a member of Richard Sorge's Soviet spy ring in Tokyo. Of Communist propagandist<ref>Douglas Martin, "[https://www.nytimes.com/2005/06/02/world/asia/israel-epstein-prominent-chinese-communist-dies-at-90.html Israel Epstein, Prominent Chinese Communist, Dies at 90], ''New York Times'', June 2, 2005. Defecting Soviet espionage courier [[Elizabeth Bentley]] testified that "Israel Epstein had been a member of the Russian Secret Police for many years in China." ([https://ia802705.us.archive.org/28/items/instituteofpacif02unit/instituteofpacif02unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations, Vol. 2], Hearings before the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, 1951, p. 435)</ref> Israel Epstein's ''Unfinished Revolution in China'' he wrote, "When he pleads his case the arguments pile up like a wedge." When Lattimore resigned as editor of ''Pacific Affairs'', he was succeeded by Michael Greenberg, a Communist Party member. Lattimore then became a member of the editorial board of the notorious journal ''[[Amerasia]]'', in the offices of which OSS agents would find hundreds of stolen US government documents, mostly pertaining to China, many labeled "Secret" or "Top Secret." |
| | | | |
| | In 1934, in ''The Mongols of Manchuria'', Lattimore had claimed that the people of Manchuria are not Chinese at all, but Mongolian, and suggested that [[Sinkiang]], [[Mongolia]] and [[Manchuria]] might be made into a separate empire under Soviet influence. But in 1942, after Japan had taken Manchuria, Lattimore reversed himself. In a Foreign Policy Report dated September 1, 1942, titled ''Asia in a New World Order, '' Lattimore abandoned his old line that Manchuria was not Chinese but Mongolian, asserting that it was "95 per cent Chinese" and that it was a mistake, merely because the country was called Manchuria, to think that the people were not Chinese. | | In 1934, in ''The Mongols of Manchuria'', Lattimore had claimed that the people of Manchuria are not Chinese at all, but Mongolian, and suggested that [[Sinkiang]], [[Mongolia]] and [[Manchuria]] might be made into a separate empire under Soviet influence. But in 1942, after Japan had taken Manchuria, Lattimore reversed himself. In a Foreign Policy Report dated September 1, 1942, titled ''Asia in a New World Order, '' Lattimore abandoned his old line that Manchuria was not Chinese but Mongolian, asserting that it was "95 per cent Chinese" and that it was a mistake, merely because the country was called Manchuria, to think that the people were not Chinese. |
| Line 28: |
Line 28: |
| | {{cquote|The fact that the Soviet Union also stands for democracy is not to be overlooked ... The fact is that for most of the people in the world today what constitutes democracy in theory is more or less irrelevant. What moves people to act, to try to line up with one party or country and not with another, is the difference between what is more democratic and less democratic in practice.}} | | {{cquote|The fact that the Soviet Union also stands for democracy is not to be overlooked ... The fact is that for most of the people in the world today what constitutes democracy in theory is more or less irrelevant. What moves people to act, to try to line up with one party or country and not with another, is the difference between what is more democratic and less democratic in practice.}} |
| | | | |
| − | From Moscow in 1960, Lattimore was taken on an extensive tour of the (Communist) Mongolian People's Republic, toward which he adopted a "completely uncritical attitude." By the late '60s, Lattimore openly affirmed the position that the United States was pursuing an imperialist strategy as against the progressive stance of the Soviet Union.<ref>James Cotton, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=gH-7AAAAIAAJ Asian Frontier Nationalism: Owen Lattimore and the American Policy Debate]'' (Manchester University Press, 1989) ISBN 0719025850, pp. 159-160</ref> | + | From Moscow in 1960, Lattimore was taken on an extensive tour of the (Communist) Mongolian People's Republic, toward which he adopted a "completely uncritical attitude." By the late '60s, Lattimore openly affirmed the position that the United States was pursuing an imperialist strategy as against the progressive stance of the Soviet Union.<ref>James Cotton, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=gH-7AAAAIAAJ Asian Frontier Nationalism: Owen Lattimore and the American Policy Debate]'' (Manchester University Press, 1989) ISBN 0719025850, pp. 159-160</ref> |
| | | | |
| | ==Policy subversion== | | ==Policy subversion== |
| | According to his [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] file, Lattimore was suspected of engaging in espionage for a foreign power as early as 1927, while in Shanghai.<ref>FBI Report, "Owen Lattimore, Internal Security - R, Espionage - R," September 8, 1949 ([http://foia.fbi.gov/owenlatt/owenlatt1a.pdf FBI file: Owen Lattimore, Section 1A]), p. 1 (PDF p. 2)</ref> Lattimore had been hand picked by the [[Comintern]] "to change the thinking here in Washington and in America on the Communist activities in China and relations to the Soviet Union," testified former [[CPUSA|Communist Party USA]] Politburo member [[Louis Budenz]]. Lattimore was thought to be a man "who could put out [[propaganda]] and conceal the Communist activity, but still have it carry out the policy of the Communists," he said. "[T]he weight of his discussions was always along the lines of the Soviet policy," according to Budenz, but the language employed "was non-Soviet in character."<ref>Testimony of Louis Francis Budenz, August 22, 1951. Institute of Pacific Relations, Hearings. Part 2, pp. 522-23.</ref> [[Alexander Barmine]], former Charge d'Affairs at the Soviet Embassy in Athens, Greece, advised [[FBI]] agents that then-[[GRU]] (Soviet Military Intelligence) chief General Jan Berzin referred to Lattimore in his presence as one of the "most promising young men that the Soviet military intelligence had..."<ref>FBI Report, "Owen Lattimore, Internal Security - R, Espionage - R," September 8, 1949 ([http://foia.fbi.gov/owenlatt/owenlatt1a.pdf FBI File: Owen Lattimore, Part 1A]), p. 2 (PDF p. 7)</ref> | | According to his [[Federal Bureau of Investigation]] file, Lattimore was suspected of engaging in espionage for a foreign power as early as 1927, while in Shanghai.<ref>FBI Report, "Owen Lattimore, Internal Security - R, Espionage - R," September 8, 1949 ([http://foia.fbi.gov/owenlatt/owenlatt1a.pdf FBI file: Owen Lattimore, Section 1A]), p. 1 (PDF p. 2)</ref> Lattimore had been hand picked by the [[Comintern]] "to change the thinking here in Washington and in America on the Communist activities in China and relations to the Soviet Union," testified former [[CPUSA|Communist Party USA]] Politburo member [[Louis Budenz]]. Lattimore was thought to be a man "who could put out [[propaganda]] and conceal the Communist activity, but still have it carry out the policy of the Communists," he said. "[T]he weight of his discussions was always along the lines of the Soviet policy," according to Budenz, but the language employed "was non-Soviet in character."<ref>Testimony of Louis Francis Budenz, August 22, 1951. Institute of Pacific Relations, Hearings. Part 2, pp. 522-23.</ref> [[Alexander Barmine]], former Charge d'Affairs at the Soviet Embassy in Athens, Greece, advised [[FBI]] agents that then-[[GRU]] (Soviet Military Intelligence) chief General Jan Berzin referred to Lattimore in his presence as one of the "most promising young men that the Soviet military intelligence had..."<ref>FBI Report, "Owen Lattimore, Internal Security - R, Espionage - R," September 8, 1949 ([http://foia.fbi.gov/owenlatt/owenlatt1a.pdf FBI File: Owen Lattimore, Part 1A]), p. 2 (PDF p. 7)</ref> |
| | | | |
| − | During the [[Nazi-Soviet pact]], Lattimore was added to Roosevelt's Custodial Detention Index,<ref>In September 1939, [[Franklin Roosevelt|FDR]] ordered the compilation of a "Custodial Detention Index" (CDI) of “persons to be considered for custodial detention pending investigation in the event of a national emergency” among the German, Italian, Hungarian, Romanian and Bulgarian populations (Japanese-Americans were soon added to the roster; it was the CDI that provided the basis for Roosevelt's wartime internment of Japanese, Germans and Italians in the United States during World War II.) During the [[Hitler-Stalin pact]], when the Soviet Union was a Nazi ally in the invasion of Poland, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Romania, the list was expanded to include Communists.</ref> listed as "Nationalistic tendency—Communist."<ref>Robert P. Newman, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=_3q55sf6X2UC Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China]'' (University of California Press, 1992) ISBN 0520073886, p. 52</ref> Later the same year President [[Franklin Roosevelt]] appointed Lattimore [[U.S.]] adviser to [[Kuomintang]] Generalissimo [[Chiang Kai-shek]] on the surreptitious and out-of-process recommendation of Lattimore's personal friend and patron at the White House,<ref>Lattimore wrote that when in Washington, he used Currie’s office (“I am in Washington about 4 days a week, and when there can always be reached at Lauchlin Currie's office, room 228, State Department Building; telephone National 1414, extension 90”), and that when Currie was out, Lattimore handled his mail: “Currie asked me to take care of his correspondence while he is away.” Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, [http://ia341034.us.archive.org/3/items/instituteofpacif09unit/instituteofpacif09unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations, Hearings, Part 9] (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1952), pp. 3199-3200 (PDF pp. 311-312)</ref> Roosevelt adviser and [[NKVD]] agent [[Lauchlin Currie]].<ref>“I asked who had suggested to President Roosevelt the nomination of Mr. Lattimore. Mr. Currie replied that he, Currie, had.” (Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, Testimony of Stanley K. Hornbeck, [http://ia341034.us.archive.org/3/items/instituteofpacif09unit/instituteofpacif09unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations, Hearings, Part 9] (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1952), pp. 3209-10 (PDF pp. 321-322)</ref> While serving in this capacity, according to Chinese military intelligence, Lattimore was sending coded messages to the Communist Chinese rebels.<ref>M. Stanton Evans, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=vz42rDYmf3wC Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies]'' (New York: Crown Forum, 2007), ISBN 978-1-4000-8105-9</ref> | + | During the [[Nazi-Soviet pact]], Lattimore was added to Roosevelt's Custodial Detention Index,<ref>In September 1939, [[Franklin Roosevelt|FDR]] ordered the compilation of a "Custodial Detention Index" (CDI) of “persons to be considered for custodial detention pending investigation in the event of a national emergency” among the German, Italian, Hungarian, Romanian and Bulgarian populations (Japanese-Americans were soon added to the roster; it was the CDI that provided the basis for Roosevelt's wartime internment of Japanese, Germans and Italians in the United States during World War II.) During the [[Hitler-Stalin pact]], when the Soviet Union was a Nazi ally in the invasion of Poland, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Romania, the list was expanded to include Communists.</ref> listed as "Nationalistic tendency—Communist."<ref>Robert P. Newman, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=_3q55sf6X2UC Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China]'' (University of California Press, 1992) ISBN 0520073886, p. 52</ref> Later the same year President [[Franklin Roosevelt]] appointed Lattimore [[U.S.]] adviser to [[Kuomintang]] Generalissimo [[Chiang Kai-shek]] on the surreptitious and out-of-process recommendation of Lattimore's personal friend and patron at the White House,<ref>Lattimore wrote that when in Washington, he used Currie’s office (“I am in Washington about 4 days a week, and when there can always be reached at Lauchlin Currie's office, room 228, State Department Building; telephone National 1414, extension 90”), and that when Currie was out, Lattimore handled his mail: “Currie asked me to take care of his correspondence while he is away.” Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, [http://ia341034.us.archive.org/3/items/instituteofpacif09unit/instituteofpacif09unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations, Hearings, Part 9] (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1952), pp. 3199-3200 (PDF pp. 311-312)</ref> Roosevelt adviser and [[NKVD]] agent [[Lauchlin Currie]].<ref>“I asked who had suggested to President Roosevelt the nomination of Mr. Lattimore. Mr. Currie replied that he, Currie, had.” (Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, Testimony of Stanley K. Hornbeck, [http://ia341034.us.archive.org/3/items/instituteofpacif09unit/instituteofpacif09unit.pdf Institute of Pacific Relations, Hearings, Part 9] (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1952), pp. 3209-10 (PDF pp. 321-322)</ref> While serving in this capacity, according to Chinese military intelligence, Lattimore was sending coded messages to the Communist Chinese rebels.<ref>M. Stanton Evans, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=vz42rDYmf3wC Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies]'' (New York: Crown Forum, 2007), ISBN 978-1-4000-8105-9</ref> |
| | | | |
| | On November 25, 1941, twelve days before Pearl Harbor, Lattimore dispatched an anxious cable to Currie in the [[White House]] arguing against a proposed diplomatic understanding between the United States and Japan. When Congress later investigated the Pearl Harbor attack, U.S. Secretary of State [[Cordell Hull]] testified that he took a tough line with the Japanese because of this cable from Lattimore to Currie reporting on Chinese morale in the Kuomintang. This cable was the only documentary evidence Hull presented which influenced his decision to reverse himself and send the ultimatum to Japan.<ref>Testimony of Cordell Hull, November 23, 1945. Pearl Harbor Attack, Part 2, 434-435 and Unnumbered Volume, pp. 36-37.</ref> The use of harsh, demanding language toward Japan only strengthened the position of the war party in Tokyo. Japanese Ambassador Nomura found it impossible to reach an agreement because the U.S. demands were extreme.<ref>[http://sandiego.indymedia.org/media/2006/10/119975.pdf ''Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time''], Carroll Quigley, Collier-Macmillan, 1966, pg. 741. ISBN 0-945001-10-X</ref> | | On November 25, 1941, twelve days before Pearl Harbor, Lattimore dispatched an anxious cable to Currie in the [[White House]] arguing against a proposed diplomatic understanding between the United States and Japan. When Congress later investigated the Pearl Harbor attack, U.S. Secretary of State [[Cordell Hull]] testified that he took a tough line with the Japanese because of this cable from Lattimore to Currie reporting on Chinese morale in the Kuomintang. This cable was the only documentary evidence Hull presented which influenced his decision to reverse himself and send the ultimatum to Japan.<ref>Testimony of Cordell Hull, November 23, 1945. Pearl Harbor Attack, Part 2, 434-435 and Unnumbered Volume, pp. 36-37.</ref> The use of harsh, demanding language toward Japan only strengthened the position of the war party in Tokyo. Japanese Ambassador Nomura found it impossible to reach an agreement because the U.S. demands were extreme.<ref>[http://sandiego.indymedia.org/media/2006/10/119975.pdf ''Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time''], Carroll Quigley, Collier-Macmillan, 1966, pg. 741. ISBN 0-945001-10-X</ref> |
| Line 41: |
Line 41: |
| | Following Pearl Harbor, Lattimore became director of Pacific Operations for the [[Office of War Information]]. In 1942 he and Currie tried to get a commission in military intelligence for [[Frederick Vanderbilt Field]]. The following year, Lattimore instructed [[Joseph Barnes]]<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,791284,00.html ''Tongue-Tied''], [[Time magazine]], Feb. 07, 1944.</ref> to replace non-Communist Chinese of the OWI with Communists; OWI did so. On July 14 [[Thomas A. Bisson]], in the Institute of Pacific Relations publication, ''Far Eastern Survey'', referred to Maoist forces as the "democratic China." This [[disinformation]] was widely repeated among journalists and academics. In July and August 1943, the Chinese Communist forces—in the midst of the war—joined with the Japanese armies to inflict a serious defeat on the [[Kuomintang]] allies with the United States.<ref>[http://www.geocities.com/Pentagon/6315/yaltabet.html ''The Yalta Betrayal''], Felix Wittmer, Claxton Printers, 1953, pg. 36.</ref> | | Following Pearl Harbor, Lattimore became director of Pacific Operations for the [[Office of War Information]]. In 1942 he and Currie tried to get a commission in military intelligence for [[Frederick Vanderbilt Field]]. The following year, Lattimore instructed [[Joseph Barnes]]<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,791284,00.html ''Tongue-Tied''], [[Time magazine]], Feb. 07, 1944.</ref> to replace non-Communist Chinese of the OWI with Communists; OWI did so. On July 14 [[Thomas A. Bisson]], in the Institute of Pacific Relations publication, ''Far Eastern Survey'', referred to Maoist forces as the "democratic China." This [[disinformation]] was widely repeated among journalists and academics. In July and August 1943, the Chinese Communist forces—in the midst of the war—joined with the Japanese armies to inflict a serious defeat on the [[Kuomintang]] allies with the United States.<ref>[http://www.geocities.com/Pentagon/6315/yaltabet.html ''The Yalta Betrayal''], Felix Wittmer, Claxton Printers, 1953, pg. 36.</ref> |
| | | | |
| − | At President Roosevelt's request, Lattimore accompanied US Vice-President [[Henry A. Wallace|Henry Wallace]] on a mission to China in 1944, for the US Office of War Information.[http://content.cdlib.org:8088/xtf/view?docId=ft296nb15t&doc.view=content&chunk.id=d0e2411&toc.depth=1&anchor.id=0&brand=ucpress]. During this visit, which overlapped the [[D-Day]] landings, Wallace and his delegation stopped over in Siberia and were given a tour of the [[Magadan]] concentration camp at [[Kolyma]], which [http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/literature/laureates/1970/solzhenitsyn-lecture.html Nobel laureate] [[Alexander Solzhenitsyn|Alexandr Solzhenitsyn]] dubbed the "pole of cold and cruelty."<ref>Aleksandr Isaevich Solzhenitsyn, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=6XCUeU3soM4C The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956]'' (HarperCollins, 2002) ISBN 0060007761, p. 211</ref> "[T]he Soviet government sent upwards of one million prisoners to Magadan for servitude in the hard labor camps of the Kolyma..." writes [http://memory.loc.gov/intldl/mtfhtml/mfabout/mfack.html Library of Congress historian] David J. Nordlander. "Standing as the most notorious center of the Gulag, indeed as its 'capital,' Magadan became synonymous with [http://books.google.com/books?id=16l79hfKMzEC the Great Terror]."<ref>David J. Nordlander, "[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2501047 Origins of a Gulag Capital: Magadan and Stalinist Control in the Early 1930s]," ''Slavic Review'', Vol. 57, No. 4 (Winter 1998), p. 791</ref> According to [http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1282/is_n8_v49/ai_19336552/ ex-Communist] Marvin Liebman, one of the camp's prisoners, Elinor Lipper (author of ''[http://books.google.com/books?cd=1&id=1jMeAAAAIAAJ Eleven Years in Soviet Prison Camps]''), told him of an incident during Wallace's visit: | + | At President Roosevelt's request, Lattimore accompanied US Vice-President [[Henry A. Wallace|Henry Wallace]] on a mission to China in 1944, for the US Office of War Information.[http://content.cdlib.org:8088/xtf/view?docId=ft296nb15t&doc.view=content&chunk.id=d0e2411&toc.depth=1&anchor.id=0&brand=ucpress]. During this visit, which overlapped the [[D-Day]] landings, Wallace and his delegation stopped over in Siberia and were given a tour of the [[Magadan]] concentration camp at [[Kolyma]], which [http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/literature/laureates/1970/solzhenitsyn-lecture.html Nobel laureate] [[Alexander Solzhenitsyn|Alexandr Solzhenitsyn]] dubbed the "pole of cold and cruelty."<ref>Aleksandr Isaevich Solzhenitsyn, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=6XCUeU3soM4C The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956]'' (HarperCollins, 2002) ISBN 0060007761, p. 211</ref> "[T]he Soviet government sent upwards of one million prisoners to Magadan for servitude in the hard labor camps of the Kolyma..." writes [http://memory.loc.gov/intldl/mtfhtml/mfabout/mfack.html Library of Congress historian] David J. Nordlander. "Standing as the most notorious center of the Gulag, indeed as its 'capital,' Magadan became synonymous with [https://books.google.com/books?id=16l79hfKMzEC the Great Terror]."<ref>David J. Nordlander, "[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2501047 Origins of a Gulag Capital: Magadan and Stalinist Control in the Early 1930s]," ''Slavic Review'', Vol. 57, No. 4 (Winter 1998), p. 791</ref> According to [http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1282/is_n8_v49/ai_19336552/ ex-Communist] Marvin Liebman, one of the camp's prisoners, Elinor Lipper (author of ''[https://books.google.com/books?cd=1&id=1jMeAAAAIAAJ Eleven Years in Soviet Prison Camps]''), told him of an incident during Wallace's visit: |
| | {{cquote|Suddenly, a woman ran from the ranks and threw herself at Wallace’s feet. She screamed in Russian how the prisoners were being treated, how they were dying, how they were innocent, as innocent as the snow at his feet. ‘Please,’ she sobbed, ‘please help us.’ | | {{cquote|Suddenly, a woman ran from the ranks and threw herself at Wallace’s feet. She screamed in Russian how the prisoners were being treated, how they were dying, how they were innocent, as innocent as the snow at his feet. ‘Please,’ she sobbed, ‘please help us.’ |
| − | She was taken away, of course, while Wallace’s translator told him that she was mentally ill and he could not understand what she was saying… I subsequently discovered that Wallace’s translator that day had been Owen Lattimore...<ref>Marvin Liebman, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=feV4AAAAMAAJ Coming Out Conservative: An Autobiography]'' (Chronicle Books, 1992) ISBN 0811800733, pp. 87-88</ref>}} | + | She was taken away, of course, while Wallace’s translator told him that she was mentally ill and he could not understand what she was saying… I subsequently discovered that Wallace’s translator that day had been Owen Lattimore...<ref>Marvin Liebman, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=feV4AAAAMAAJ Coming Out Conservative: An Autobiography]'' (Chronicle Books, 1992) ISBN 0811800733, pp. 87-88</ref>}} |
| | | | |
| − | In a travelogue for ''[[National Geographic]]'', Lattimore described this Siberian [[gulag]] as a combination of the Hudson's Bay Company and the [[TVA]], gushing about how strong and well-fed the inmates were and ascribing to camp commandant Feliks Nikishov “a trained and sensitive interest in art and music and also a deep sense of civic responsibility.”<ref>Paul Johnson, [http://books.google.com/books?id=aXm-lKKztywC&pg=PA1&dq=the+survival+of+the+adversary+culture&sig=NBsLl97lMC2A-i-gpuvRZdkewDA#PPA180,M1 ''The Survival of the Adversary Culture'' (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1988) ISBN 1560005548, p. 180]</ref> Solzhenitsyn wrote in the ''[[Gulag Archipelago]]'' that the city of Magadan was founded as a Soviet Gulag, and would not have existed otherwise.<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,944884,00.html?promoid=googlep Islands of Slavery], ''[[Time magazine]]'', June 24, 1974.</ref> Commentator Cal Thomas wrote in 2007, | + | In a travelogue for ''[[National Geographic]]'', Lattimore described this Siberian [[gulag]] as a combination of the Hudson's Bay Company and the [[TVA]], gushing about how strong and well-fed the inmates were and ascribing to camp commandant Feliks Nikishov “a trained and sensitive interest in art and music and also a deep sense of civic responsibility.”<ref>Paul Johnson, [https://books.google.com/books?id=aXm-lKKztywC&pg=PA1&dq=the+survival+of+the+adversary+culture&sig=NBsLl97lMC2A-i-gpuvRZdkewDA#PPA180,M1 ''The Survival of the Adversary Culture'' (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1988) ISBN 1560005548, p. 180]</ref> Solzhenitsyn wrote in the ''[[Gulag Archipelago]]'' that the city of Magadan was founded as a Soviet Gulag, and would not have existed otherwise.<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,944884,00.html?promoid=googlep Islands of Slavery], ''[[Time magazine]]'', June 24, 1974.</ref> Commentator Cal Thomas wrote in 2007, |
| | {{cquote|"While many Westerners recall Nazi-run death camps like [[Auschwitz]] and [[Buchenwald]], few remember Soviet death camps named Kolyma and Magadan. True, Alexander Solzhenitsyn mentioned them in "The Gulag Archipelago" as did Varlam Sjalamov in "Tales from Kolyma," but as the late Swedish journalist Andres Kung wrote, "There are people who have still not heard of these communist [[democide|extermination]] camps -- even though the communists preceded the [[Nazi]]s in creating such camps and killed an even larger number of people in their camps."<ref>[http://www3.washingtontimes.com/commentary/20070612-085222-1017r.htm Monument to murder], By Cal Thomas, ''Washington Times'', June 13, 2007.</ref>}} | | {{cquote|"While many Westerners recall Nazi-run death camps like [[Auschwitz]] and [[Buchenwald]], few remember Soviet death camps named Kolyma and Magadan. True, Alexander Solzhenitsyn mentioned them in "The Gulag Archipelago" as did Varlam Sjalamov in "Tales from Kolyma," but as the late Swedish journalist Andres Kung wrote, "There are people who have still not heard of these communist [[democide|extermination]] camps -- even though the communists preceded the [[Nazi]]s in creating such camps and killed an even larger number of people in their camps."<ref>[http://www3.washingtontimes.com/commentary/20070612-085222-1017r.htm Monument to murder], By Cal Thomas, ''Washington Times'', June 13, 2007.</ref>}} |
| | | | |
| Line 84: |
Line 84: |
| | | | |
| | ==Legacy== | | ==Legacy== |
| − | Even on the left, many of the most knowledgeable observers agreed that Lattimore was a propagandist for Party line. The [[socialist]]<ref>Barry Maine, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=wymQbWXUaZYC John Dos Passos]'' (Routledge, 1997) ISBN 0415159350, p. 243</ref> (and ex-[[Communist]])<ref>Warren F. Broderick, "Granville Hicks: Champion of the Small Town," in Granville Hicks, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=3AnzwTdvxroC Small Towm]'' (Fordham University Press, 2004) ISBN 0823223574, p. xvii</ref> Granville Hicks, for example, was dismayed by the spectacle of [[liberal]]s "rallying with such absolute assurance to Lattimore’s defense."<ref>Ronald Radosh, "[http://www.bu.edu/partisanreview/archive/2000/4/radosh.html The Legacy of the Anti-Communist Liberal Intellectuals]," ''Partisan Review'', Vol. LXVII, No. 4 (2000)</ref> Lattimore “defends every item of [[Stalinism|Stalinist]] justice," wrote "unabashedly liberal partisan"<ref>Douglas Martin, "[http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/01/washington/01schlesinger.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all Arthur Schlesinger, Historian of Power, Dies at 89]," ''The New York Times'', March 1, 2007</ref> [[Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.]] When Lattimore wrote that the [[Stalin]]'s [[Great Purge]] "sounds to me like [[democracy]]," Schlesinger commented that those words "sound to me like [[fellow traveller|fellow-traveling]]."<ref>Ronald Radosh, "[http://hnn.us/articles/1154.html Sidney Hook Was Right, Arthur Schlesinger Is Wrong]," ''The New York Sun'', December 16, 2002</ref> Lattimore got his views adopted by "the entire body of respectable opinion—[[conservative]] as well as liberal—on the Far East," wrote self-described former communist<ref>"[http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2009/sep/19/political-writer-irving-kristol-dies-at-89/ Political writer Irving Kristol dies at 89]" ''The Washington Times'', September 19, 2009</ref> [[Irving Kristol]]. "His ingratiating pseudo-[[Marxist]] platitudes became the stock-in-trade of all the ‘experts’."<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=C7wRAAAAMAAJ ''The Twentieth Century'', Vol. 152, No. 909] (November 1952), p. 323</ref> Lattimore "consistently and consciously undertook to do what the Soviet Union wanted done," wrote the former Communist fellow-traveler<ref>Patricia Bosworth, "[http://www.nytimes.com/1996/12/29/magazine/a-life-of-significant-contention.html?pagewanted=all A Life of Significant Contention]," ''The New York Times'', December 29, 1996</ref> Diana Trilling. Though perhaps not a [[CPUSA|Communist Party]] member, she wrote, he was "something far more dangerous"—an ostensibly independent 'idealist' "whose idealism just happened to coincide with [[Russia]]n realism."<ref>Diana Trilling, ''Partisan Review'', Vol. 20 (1953) p. 27</ref> Sol Levitas, editor of the socialist<ref>"[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,812346,00.html The Press: The New Leader Steps Out]," ''Time'', May 1, 1950</ref> magazine ''The New Leader'', wrote that Lattimore was worse than a spy—he was a "LitAg" (literary agitator) of the [[Kremlin]] who sought to harm [[US|American]] foreign policy by molding public opinion to favor a pro-[[Soviet]] course—and was therefore more valuable to Stalin than a thousand Communist Party members.<ref>Sol Levitas, "Lattimore and the IPR," ''The New Leader'', March 31, 1952</ref> Far from being simply "a well-meaning liberal martyrized by [[Joe McCarthy|McCarthy]] for telling unpalatable truths about [[Asia]]," wrote the socialist<ref>Thomas J. Main, "[http://www.hoover.org/publications/policy-review/article/7026 Fearless Sidney Hook]," ''Policy Review'', No. 120</ref> Sidney Hook, Lattimore, "at the very least, was a devious and skillful follower of the Communist Party line on Asian affairs" who had more influence on American foreign policy in Asia than “all anti-Communists combined.”<ref>Edward S. Shapiro, ed., ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Z9gebSW0XF8C Letters of Sidney Hook: Democracy, Communism, and the Cold War]'' (M.E. Sharpe, 1995) ISBN 156324487X, p. 207</ref> As the American Committee for Cultural Freedom concluded in an article in ''The New Republic'', "Lattimore was indeed a willing instrument of the Soviet conspiracy against the free world."<ref>Mary Sperling McAuliffe, ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=dCKDAAAAMAAJ Crisis on the Left: Cold War Politics and American Liberals, 1947-1954]'' (University of Massachusetts Press, 1978) ISBN 087023241X, p. 127</ref> | + | Even on the left, many of the most knowledgeable observers agreed that Lattimore was a propagandist for Party line. The [[socialist]]<ref>Barry Maine, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=wymQbWXUaZYC John Dos Passos]'' (Routledge, 1997) ISBN 0415159350, p. 243</ref> (and ex-[[Communist]])<ref>Warren F. Broderick, "Granville Hicks: Champion of the Small Town," in Granville Hicks, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=3AnzwTdvxroC Small Towm]'' (Fordham University Press, 2004) ISBN 0823223574, p. xvii</ref> Granville Hicks, for example, was dismayed by the spectacle of [[liberal]]s "rallying with such absolute assurance to Lattimore’s defense."<ref>Ronald Radosh, "[http://www.bu.edu/partisanreview/archive/2000/4/radosh.html The Legacy of the Anti-Communist Liberal Intellectuals]," ''Partisan Review'', Vol. LXVII, No. 4 (2000)</ref> Lattimore “defends every item of [[Stalinism|Stalinist]] justice," wrote "unabashedly liberal partisan"<ref>Douglas Martin, "[https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/01/washington/01schlesinger.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all Arthur Schlesinger, Historian of Power, Dies at 89]," ''The New York Times'', March 1, 2007</ref> [[Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.]] When Lattimore wrote that the [[Stalin]]'s [[Great Purge]] "sounds to me like [[democracy]]," Schlesinger commented that those words "sound to me like [[fellow traveller|fellow-traveling]]."<ref>Ronald Radosh, "[http://hnn.us/articles/1154.html Sidney Hook Was Right, Arthur Schlesinger Is Wrong]," ''The New York Sun'', December 16, 2002</ref> Lattimore got his views adopted by "the entire body of respectable opinion—[[conservative]] as well as liberal—on the Far East," wrote self-described former communist<ref>"[https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2009/sep/19/political-writer-irving-kristol-dies-at-89/ Political writer Irving Kristol dies at 89]" ''The Washington Times'', September 19, 2009</ref> [[Irving Kristol]]. "His ingratiating pseudo-[[Marxist]] platitudes became the stock-in-trade of all the ‘experts’."<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=C7wRAAAAMAAJ ''The Twentieth Century'', Vol. 152, No. 909] (November 1952), p. 323</ref> Lattimore "consistently and consciously undertook to do what the Soviet Union wanted done," wrote the former Communist fellow-traveler<ref>Patricia Bosworth, "[https://www.nytimes.com/1996/12/29/magazine/a-life-of-significant-contention.html?pagewanted=all A Life of Significant Contention]," ''The New York Times'', December 29, 1996</ref> Diana Trilling. Though perhaps not a [[CPUSA|Communist Party]] member, she wrote, he was "something far more dangerous"—an ostensibly independent 'idealist' "whose idealism just happened to coincide with [[Russia]]n realism."<ref>Diana Trilling, ''Partisan Review'', Vol. 20 (1953) p. 27</ref> Sol Levitas, editor of the socialist<ref>"[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,812346,00.html The Press: The New Leader Steps Out]," ''Time'', May 1, 1950</ref> magazine ''The New Leader'', wrote that Lattimore was worse than a spy—he was a "LitAg" (literary agitator) of the [[Kremlin]] who sought to harm [[US|American]] foreign policy by molding public opinion to favor a pro-[[Soviet]] course—and was therefore more valuable to Stalin than a thousand Communist Party members.<ref>Sol Levitas, "Lattimore and the IPR," ''The New Leader'', March 31, 1952</ref> Far from being simply "a well-meaning liberal martyrized by [[Joe McCarthy|McCarthy]] for telling unpalatable truths about [[Asia]]," wrote the socialist<ref>Thomas J. Main, "[http://www.hoover.org/publications/policy-review/article/7026 Fearless Sidney Hook]," ''Policy Review'', No. 120</ref> Sidney Hook, Lattimore, "at the very least, was a devious and skillful follower of the Communist Party line on Asian affairs" who had more influence on American foreign policy in Asia than “all anti-Communists combined.”<ref>Edward S. Shapiro, ed., ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=Z9gebSW0XF8C Letters of Sidney Hook: Democracy, Communism, and the Cold War]'' (M.E. Sharpe, 1995) ISBN 156324487X, p. 207</ref> As the American Committee for Cultural Freedom concluded in an article in ''The New Republic'', "Lattimore was indeed a willing instrument of the Soviet conspiracy against the free world."<ref>Mary Sperling McAuliffe, ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=dCKDAAAAMAAJ Crisis on the Left: Cold War Politics and American Liberals, 1947-1954]'' (University of Massachusetts Press, 1978) ISBN 087023241X, p. 127</ref> |
| | | | |
| | ==Further reading== | | ==Further reading== |