Changes

So deliberate and cautious a plan, however, was by mid-April 1898 not in harmony with the increasing public demand for immediate action against the Spanish. With an ear to this demand, Secretary of War Russell M. Alger ignored General Miles’ advice. He ordered the regular infantry regiments to go to New Orleans, Tampa, and Mobile, where they would be ready for an immediate descent on Cuba.

So deliberate and cautious a plan, however, was by mid-April 1898 not in harmony with the increasing public demand for immediate action against the Spanish. With an ear to this demand, Secretary of War Russell M. Alger ignored General Miles’ advice. He ordered the regular infantry regiments to go to New Orleans, Tampa, and Mobile, where they would be ready for an immediate descent on Cuba.

The decision to mobilize large volunteer forces compounded the problems of equipping, training, and supplying the Army. In the spring and summer of 1898, thousands of enthusiastic but inexperienced volunteers poured into newly established camps. A taste of military life soon curbed the enthusiasm of most of them, for in the camps they found chronic shortages of the most essential equipment. Even such basic items as underwear, socks, and shoes were lacking. A steady diet of badly prepared food, unbelievably poor sanitary conditions, and inadequate medical facilities complemented the equipment shortages. Red tape and poor management in the War Department’s supply bureaus (the Ordnance Department possibly excepted) delayed correction of some of the worst deficiencies, while the shortage of capable volunteer officers further limited the quality of training received in the camps.  

The decision to mobilize large volunteer forces compounded the problems of equipping, training, and supplying the Army. In the spring and summer of 1898, thousands of enthusiastic but inexperienced volunteers poured into newly established camps. A taste of military life soon curbed the enthusiasm of most of them, for in the camps they found chronic shortages of the most essential equipment. Even such basic items as underwear, socks, and shoes were lacking. A steady diet of badly prepared food, unbelievably poor sanitary conditions, and inadequate medical facilities complemented the equipment shortages. Red tape and poor management in the War Department's supply bureaus (the Ordnance Department possibly excepted) delayed correction of some of the worst deficiencies, while the shortage of capable volunteer officers further limited the quality of training received in the camps.  

        

        

Confusion and inefficiency likewise characterized the War Department’s conduct of operations. Since Congress had provided no machinery in the department for the peacetime coordination of foreign policy with the country’s military posture, the nation went to war without any kind of overall plan of operations or even adequate intelligence about the enemy. Given time, the Army might have devised adequate operational plans; but public opinion, political pressures, and the trend of events demanded the launching of an immediate expedition against the Spanish in Cuba.

Confusion and inefficiency likewise characterized the War Department's conduct of operations. Since Congress had provided no machinery in the department for the peacetime coordination of foreign policy with the country's military posture, the nation went to war without any kind of overall plan of operations or even adequate intelligence about the enemy. Given time, the Army might have devised adequate operational plans; but public opinion, political pressures, and the trend of events demanded the launching of an immediate expedition against the Spanish in Cuba.

By contrast, the Spanish were ill-prepared to defend their overseas possessions from outside intervention. Their vessels stationed in Cuba and the Philippines were obsolete and intended only to help the colonial government put down insurrection. They were unable to defend themselves against the modern steel ships of the U.S. Navy. Spain possessed only one battleship, Pelayo, and this was an older vessel that had just been modernized. This ship and the armored cruiser Carlos V were not ready for action until after the war began. Only four armored cruisers were available to steam across the Atlantic, and these suffered severe material deficiencies. The 10-inch guns were missing from Cristobal Colon, and there was a shortage of ammunition for the already defective 5.5-inch guns on the Spanish cruisers.

By contrast, the Spanish were ill-prepared to defend their overseas possessions from outside intervention. Their vessels stationed in Cuba and the Philippines were obsolete and intended only to help the colonial government put down insurrection. They were unable to defend themselves against the modern steel ships of the U.S. Navy. Spain possessed only one battleship, Pelayo, and this was an older vessel that had just been modernized. This ship and the armored cruiser Carlos V were not ready for action until after the war began. Only four armored cruisers were available to steam across the Atlantic, and these suffered severe material deficiencies. The 10-inch guns were missing from Cristobal Colon, and there was a shortage of ammunition for the already defective 5.5-inch guns on the Spanish cruisers.

==Army units==

==Army units==

Upon receipt of Sampson’s request for land forces, the War Department, already under strong public pressure to get the Army into action, ordered Maj. Gen. William R. Shafter to embark with the V Corps from Tampa as soon as possible to conduct operations against Santiago in cooperation with the Navy. This corps was the only one of the eight that the War Department had organized for the war that was anywhere near ready to fight. Composed chiefly of regular Army units, it had been assembling at Tampa for weeks when the order came on May 31 for its embarkation; it would require another two weeks to get the corps and its equipment on board and ready to sail for Cuba.  

Upon receipt of Sampson's request for land forces, the War Department, already under strong public pressure to get the Army into action, ordered Maj. Gen. William R. Shafter to embark with the V Corps from Tampa as soon as possible to conduct operations against Santiago in cooperation with the Navy. This corps was the only one of the eight that the War Department had organized for the war that was anywhere near ready to fight. Composed chiefly of regular Army units, it had been assembling at Tampa for weeks when the order came on May 31 for its embarkation; it would require another two weeks to get the corps and its equipment on board and ready to sail for Cuba.  

      

      

Many factors contributed to the slow pace of preparation. There was no overall plan and no special staff to direct the organization of the expeditionary force. Moreover, Tampa was a poor choice for marshaling a major military expedition. Selected because of its proximity to Cuba, Tampa had only one pier for loading ships and a single-track railroad connecting with mainline routes from the north. It could not, therefore, readily accommodate the flood of men and materiel pressing in upon it. So great was the congestion that freight cars were backed up on sidings as far away as Columbia, South Carolina, waiting to gain access to the port. When a freight car finally did reach the port area, there were no wagons to unload it and no bill of lading to indicate what was in it. When it came to loading the ships, of which there were not enough to carry the entire corps, supplies and equipment were put on board with little regard for unloading priorities in the combat zone should the enemy resist the landings.  

Many factors contributed to the slow pace of preparation. There was no overall plan and no special staff to direct the organization of the expeditionary force. Moreover, Tampa was a poor choice for marshaling a major military expedition. Selected because of its proximity to Cuba, Tampa had only one pier for loading ships and a single-track railroad connecting with mainline routes from the north. It could not, therefore, readily accommodate the flood of men and materiel pressing in upon it. So great was the congestion that freight cars were backed up on sidings as far away as Columbia, South Carolina, waiting to gain access to the port. When a freight car finally did reach the port area, there were no wagons to unload it and no bill of lading to indicate what was in it. When it came to loading the ships, of which there were not enough to carry the entire corps, supplies and equipment were put on board with little regard for unloading priorities in the combat zone should the enemy resist the landings.  

In spite of the muddle at Tampa, by June 14 nearly 17,000 men were ready to sail. On board were 18 regular and 2 volunteer infantry regiments; 10 regular and 2 volunteer cavalry squadrons serving dismounted; 1 mounted cavalry squadron; 6 artillery batteries; and a Gatling gun company. The expedition comprised a major part of the Regular Army, including all of the regular African American combat regiments. Departing Tampa on the morning of the fourteenth, the V Corps joined its naval convoy the next day off the Florida Keys and by June 20 had reached the vicinity of Santiago.  

In spite of the muddle at Tampa, by June 14 nearly 17,000 men were ready to sail. On board were 18 regular and 2 volunteer infantry regiments; 10 regular and 2 volunteer cavalry squadrons serving dismounted; 1 mounted cavalry squadron; 6 artillery batteries; and a Gatling gun company. The expedition comprised a major part of the Regular Army, including all of the regular African American combat regiments. Departing Tampa on the morning of the fourteenth, the V Corps joined its naval convoy the next day off the Florida Keys and by June 20 had reached the vicinity of Santiago.  

        

        

While the troops on board endured tropical heat, unsanitary conditions, and cold, unpalatable rations, Shafter and Sampson conferred on how to proceed against Santiago. Sampson wanted the Army to storm the fort on the east side of the bay entrance and drive the Spanish from their guns. Then his fleet could clear away the mines and enter Santiago Bay to fight Cervera’s squadron. Lacking heavy artillery, Shafter was not sure his troops could take the fort, which crowned a steep hill. He decided instead to follow the suggestion of General Calixto Garcia, the local insurgent leader, and land his forces at Daiquiri, east of Santiago Bay.

While the troops on board endured tropical heat, unsanitary conditions, and cold, unpalatable rations, Shafter and Sampson conferred on how to proceed against Santiago. Sampson wanted the Army to storm the fort on the east side of the bay entrance and drive the Spanish from their guns. Then his fleet could clear away the mines and enter Santiago Bay to fight Cervera's squadron. Lacking heavy artillery, Shafter was not sure his troops could take the fort, which crowned a steep hill. He decided instead to follow the suggestion of General Calixto Garcia, the local insurgent leader, and land his forces at Daiquiri, east of Santiago Bay.

On June 22, after heavy shelling of the landing areas, the V Corps disembarked amid circumstances almost as confused and hectic as those at Tampa. Captains of many of the chartered merchant ships refused to bring their vessels close to shore. Their reluctance slowed the landing of troops and equipment already handicapped by a shortage of lighters. Horses, simply dropped overboard to get ashore on their own, swam out to sea in some instances and were lost. An alert enemy defense might well have taken advantage of the chaotic conditions to oppose the landings effectively. But the Spanish, though they had more than 200,000 troops in Cuba — 36,000 of them in Santiago Province — did nothing to prevent Shafter’s men from getting ashore. Some 6,000 landed on June 22 and most of the remaining 11,000 on the two days following. In addition, 4,000 to 5,000 insurgents under General Garcia supplemented the American force.

On June 22, after heavy shelling of the landing areas, the V Corps disembarked amid circumstances almost as confused and hectic as those at Tampa. Captains of many of the chartered merchant ships refused to bring their vessels close to shore. Their reluctance slowed the landing of troops and equipment already handicapped by a shortage of lighters. Horses, simply dropped overboard to get ashore on their own, swam out to sea in some instances and were lost. An alert enemy defense might well have taken advantage of the chaotic conditions to oppose the landings effectively. But the Spanish, though they had more than 200,000 troops in Cuba — 36,000 of them in Santiago Province — did nothing to prevent Shafter's men from getting ashore. Some 6,000 landed on June 22 and most of the remaining 11,000 on the two days following. In addition, 4,000 to 5,000 insurgents under General Garcia supplemented the American force.

==The Battle of Santiago==

==The Battle of Santiago==

Once ashore, elements of the V Corps moved westward toward the heights of San Juan, a series of ridges immediately east of Santiago, where well-entrenched enemy troops guarded the land approaches to the city. On June 23, Brig. Gen. Henry W. Lawton, commanding the vanguard, advanced along the coast from Daiquirí to Siboney, which then became the main base of operations. The next day, Brig. Gen. Joseph Wheeler, the Confederate Army veteran, pushed inland along the road to Santiago with dismounted cavalry to seize Las Guásimas after a brief skirmish with rear guard elements of a retiring Spanish force. This move brought American units within five miles of the San Juan Heights, where they paused for a few days while General Shafter assembled the rest of his divisions and brought up supplies. Even in this short time, Shafter could observe the debilitating effects of tropical climate and disease on his men. He was aware, too, that the hurricane season was approaching. Consequently, he decided to launch an immediate attack on the defenses of Santiago.  

Once ashore, elements of the V Corps moved westward toward the heights of San Juan, a series of ridges immediately east of Santiago, where well-entrenched enemy troops guarded the land approaches to the city. On June 23, Brig. Gen. Henry W. Lawton, commanding the vanguard, advanced along the coast from Daiquirí to Siboney, which then became the main base of operations. The next day, Brig. Gen. Joseph Wheeler, the Confederate Army veteran, pushed inland along the road to Santiago with dismounted cavalry to seize Las Guásimas after a brief skirmish with rear guard elements of a retiring Spanish force. This move brought American units within five miles of the San Juan Heights, where they paused for a few days while General Shafter assembled the rest of his divisions and brought up supplies. Even in this short time, Shafter could observe the debilitating effects of tropical climate and disease on his men. He was aware, too, that the hurricane season was approaching. Consequently, he decided to launch an immediate attack on the defenses of Santiago.  

        

        

Shafter’s plan was simple: a frontal attack on the San Juan Heights. For this purpose, he deployed Brig. Gen. Jacob F. Kent’s infantry division on the left and Wheeler’s dismounted cavalry on the right, the entire force with supporting elements comprising 8,000 troops. But before he made the main advance on the heights, Lawton’s infantry division with a supporting battery of artillery, more than 6,500 men, was to move two miles north to seize the fortified village of El Caney, cutting off Santiago’s water supply and, if necessary, intercepting rumored Spanish reinforcements. This action completed — Shafter thought it would take about two hours — Lawton was to turn southwestward and form on the right flank of Wheeler’s division for the main assault. A brigade that had just landed at Siboney was to advance in the meantime along the coast in a feint.  

Shafter's plan was simple: a frontal attack on the San Juan Heights. For this purpose, he deployed Brig. Gen. Jacob F. Kent's infantry division on the left and Wheeler's dismounted cavalry on the right, the entire force with supporting elements comprising 8,000 troops. But before he made the main advance on the heights, Lawton's infantry division with a supporting battery of artillery, more than 6,500 men, was to move two miles north to seize the fortified village of El Caney, cutting off Santiago's water supply and, if necessary, intercepting rumored Spanish reinforcements. This action completed — Shafter thought it would take about two hours — Lawton was to turn southwestward and form on the right flank of Wheeler's division for the main assault. A brigade that had just landed at Siboney was to advance in the meantime along the coast in a feint.  

        

        

The attack, which moved out at dawn on July 1, soon became badly disorganized because of poor coordination, difficult terrain, and tropical heat. The corpulent Shafter, virtually prostrated by the heat, had to leave the direction of the battle to others. At a stream crossing on the crowded main trail to San Juan Heights, enemy gunners scored heavily when a towed Signal Corps balloon pinpointed the front of the advancing line of troops. Lawton’s division, delayed in its seizure of El Caney by a stubborn enemy defense, misplaced artillery, and the necessity of withdrawing a volunteer unit armed only with telltale black powder, did not rejoin the main force until after the assault had ended. Despite these unexpected setbacks, Kent’s and Wheeler’s divisions at midday launched a strong frontal attack on the Spanish forward defensive positions. Cavalry units of Wheeler’s division, including the 9th Cavalry and part of the 10th, both African American regiments, and the 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry (the "Rough Riders"), now commanded by newly commissioned Lt. Col. [[Theodore Roosevelt]], seized Kettle Hill, separate from the central heights. Then Kent’s infantry regiments, supported by Gatling guns, stormed up San Juan Hill in the main ridge line, driving the Spanish from blockhouse and trench defenses and compelling them to retire to a strongly fortified inner line. Thus the day ended with the Americans’ having achieved most of their initial objectives. The cost was high: nearly 1,700 casualties sustained since the start of operations against Santiago.  

The attack, which moved out at dawn on July 1, soon became badly disorganized because of poor coordination, difficult terrain, and tropical heat. The corpulent Shafter, virtually prostrated by the heat, had to leave the direction of the battle to others. At a stream crossing on the crowded main trail to San Juan Heights, enemy gunners scored heavily when a towed Signal Corps balloon pinpointed the front of the advancing line of troops. Lawton's division, delayed in its seizure of El Caney by a stubborn enemy defense, misplaced artillery, and the necessity of withdrawing a volunteer unit armed only with telltale black powder, did not rejoin the main force until after the assault had ended. Despite these unexpected setbacks, Kent's and Wheeler's divisions at midday launched a strong frontal attack on the Spanish forward defensive positions. Cavalry units of Wheeler's division, including the 9th Cavalry and part of the 10th, both African American regiments, and the 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry (the "Rough Riders"), now commanded by newly commissioned Lt. Col. [[Theodore Roosevelt]], seized Kettle Hill, separate from the central heights. Then Kent's infantry regiments, supported by Gatling guns, stormed up San Juan Hill in the main ridge line, driving the Spanish from blockhouse and trench defenses and compelling them to retire to a strongly fortified inner line. Thus the day ended with the Americans’ having achieved most of their initial objectives. The cost was high: nearly 1,700 casualties sustained since the start of operations against Santiago.  

        

        

Concerned with the increasing sickness that was thinning the ranks of the V Corps and faced by a well-organized Spanish second line of defense, General Shafter cabled Secretary Alger on July 3 that he was considering withdrawing about five miles to higher ground between the San Juan River and Siboney. The shift would place his troops in a position where they would be less exposed to enemy fire and easier to supply. Alger replied that "the effect upon the country would be much better" if Shafter continued to hold his advanced position. The V Corps commander then sought to get the Navy to enter Santiago Bay  and  attack  the  city. But neither the Navy Department nor President McKinley was willing to sanction this move. Just when the whole matter threatened to become an embarrassing public debate between the two services, the Spanish resolved the issue.  

Concerned with the increasing sickness that was thinning the ranks of the V Corps and faced by a well-organized Spanish second line of defense, General Shafter cabled Secretary Alger on July 3 that he was considering withdrawing about five miles to higher ground between the San Juan River and Siboney. The shift would place his troops in a position where they would be less exposed to enemy fire and easier to supply. Alger replied that "the effect upon the country would be much better" if Shafter continued to hold his advanced position. The V Corps commander then sought to get the Navy to enter Santiago Bay  and  attack  the  city. But neither the Navy Department nor President McKinley was willing to sanction this move. Just when the whole matter threatened to become an embarrassing public debate between the two services, the Spanish resolved the issue.  

        

        

By early July serious shortages of food and ammunition had convinced the Spanish that Santiago must soon fall. While Cervera considered flight from the port hopeless, he had no recourse but to attempt it. Officials in both Havana and Madrid had ordered him, for reasons of honor, to escape when Santiago appeared about to surrender. Finally, on the morning of July 3, while Sampson and Shafter conferred ashore, Cervera made his dash for the open sea, hoping to reach the port of Cienfuegos on the south coast of Cuba. As soon as the Spanish Fleet appeared, Sampson’s squadron, temporarily under the command of Commodore Schley, gave chase.  

By early July serious shortages of food and ammunition had convinced the Spanish that Santiago must soon fall. While Cervera considered flight from the port hopeless, he had no recourse but to attempt it. Officials in both Havana and Madrid had ordered him, for reasons of honor, to escape when Santiago appeared about to surrender. Finally, on the morning of July 3, while Sampson and Shafter conferred ashore, Cervera made his dash for the open sea, hoping to reach the port of Cienfuegos on the south coast of Cuba. As soon as the Spanish Fleet appeared, Sampson's squadron, temporarily under the command of Commodore Schley, gave chase.  

Most of the battle was a running fight as the blockading vessels attempted to get up enough steam to stay with their quarry. Foul bottoms and poor-quality coal reduced the speeds of the usually swift Spanish cruisers. Ranges between the combatants were often in excess of 4,000 yards, greater than the American crews had trained for and longer than their new range finders could handle. In addition, radical turns in the early stages of the battle complicated the U.S. Navy's gunnery problem. Smoke from the weapons' brown powder and frequent mechanical failures further reduced the effectiveness of its gunfire. The American warships generally registered hits when they were able to maintain a parallel or near parallel course with the Spanish cruisers for several minutes. Although only 1.29 percent of American shots hit their targets, the volume of fire proved sufficient to destroy or run aground all of Cervera's vessels. The destruction of the Spanish cruiser squadron at Santiago de Cuba freed President McKinley and the Navy Department to pursue other strategic options.

Most of the battle was a running fight as the blockading vessels attempted to get up enough steam to stay with their quarry. Foul bottoms and poor-quality coal reduced the speeds of the usually swift Spanish cruisers. Ranges between the combatants were often in excess of 4,000 yards, greater than the American crews had trained for and longer than their new range finders could handle. In addition, radical turns in the early stages of the battle complicated the U.S. Navy's gunnery problem. Smoke from the weapons' brown powder and frequent mechanical failures further reduced the effectiveness of its gunfire. The American warships generally registered hits when they were able to maintain a parallel or near parallel course with the Spanish cruisers for several minutes. Although only 1.29 percent of American shots hit their targets, the volume of fire proved sufficient to destroy or run aground all of Cervera's vessels. The destruction of the Spanish cruiser squadron at Santiago de Cuba freed President McKinley and the Navy Department to pursue other strategic options.

===The war===

===The war===

* Donald Barr Chidsey, The Spanish American War ( New York, 1971)

* Donald Barr Chidsey, The Spanish–American War ( New York, 1971)

* Cirillo, Vincent J.  ''Bullets and Bacilli: The Spanish-American War and Military Medicine'' 2004.  

* Cirillo, Vincent J.  ''Bullets and Bacilli: The Spanish-American War and Military Medicine'' 2004.  

* Graham A. Cosmas, ''An Army for Empire: The United States Army and the Spanish-American War'' (1971)

* Graham A. Cosmas, ''An Army for Empire: The United States Army and the Spanish-American War'' (1971)