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Gladstone's evangelical stance often attracted criticism from his opponents and alienated sections of his own party. Luckily for Gladstone however, his moral crusades were generally supported by an enthusiastic political public.

Gladstone's evangelical stance often attracted criticism from his opponents and alienated sections of his own party. Luckily for Gladstone however, his moral crusades were generally supported by an enthusiastic political public.

Another aspect of Gladstone’s religious mission was his work in rescuing prostitutes from the streets. He would aim to find them alternative employment and rehabilitate them back into mainstream society. His work was seen as controversial and criticised by many, but he continued this practice with the full support of his wife even when he was Prime Minister.

Another aspect of Gladstone's religious mission was his work in rescuing prostitutes from the streets. He would aim to find them alternative employment and rehabilitate them back into mainstream society. His work was seen as controversial and criticised by many, but he continued this practice with the full support of his wife even when he was Prime Minister.

==Parliament==

==Parliament==

Gladstone lost his parliamentary seat in 1845 because of his free trade views but in 1847 was elected to represent the University of Oxford. He left the Tory (Conservative) Party along with Sir [[Robert Peel]] in 1846, and during the next few years he moved slowly in the direction of liberalism. In 1852 he brought about the fall of the ministry of Lord Derby by his unpremeditated but brilliant attack on the budgets of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Benjamin Disraeli.

Gladstone lost his parliamentary seat in 1845 because of his free trade views but in 1847 was elected to represent the University of Oxford. He left the Tory (Conservative) Party along with Sir [[Robert Peel]] in 1846, and during the next few years he moved slowly in the direction of liberalism. In 1852 he brought about the fall of the ministry of Lord Derby by his unpremeditated but brilliant attack on the budgets of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Benjamin Disraeli.

Gladstone served as President of the Board of Trade (1843–44) during the second ministry of [[Robert Peel]]. He resigned in 1845 over the Maynooth Grant issue, but returned in December as Colonial Secretary. Peel’s government fell in 1846, and Gladstone followed his leader in separation from the [[Conservative Party]]. After Peel’s death in 1850, Gladstone became leader of this ‘Peelite’ faction in the House of Commons.

Gladstone served as President of the Board of Trade (1843–44) during the second ministry of [[Robert Peel]]. He resigned in 1845 over the Maynooth Grant issue, but returned in December as Colonial Secretary. Peel's government fell in 1846, and Gladstone followed his leader in separation from the [[Conservative Party]]. After Peel's death in 1850, Gladstone became leader of this ‘Peelite’ faction in the House of Commons.

In 1852 Gladstone became [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]] in Lord Aberdeen's ministry (1852–55). The government resigned in 1855 over the [[Crimean War]] and Gladstone spent the next four years in the political wilderness, refusing to join Derby’s Conservative Ministry on the grounds that he did not want to work with [[Benjamin Disraeli]].

In 1852 Gladstone became [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]] in Lord Aberdeen's ministry (1852–55). The government resigned in 1855 over the [[Crimean War]] and Gladstone spent the next four years in the political wilderness, refusing to join Derby's Conservative Ministry on the grounds that he did not want to work with [[Benjamin Disraeli]].

===Finance===

===Finance===

==Conservative to Liberal==

==Conservative to Liberal==

In an historic move, Gladstone joined [[Lord Palmerston|Palmerston’s]] new [[British Liberal Party|Liberal]] government in 1859 as [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]]. In this post, Gladstone was steadily able to reduce income tax during his time in office. He had originally opposed further electoral reform, but by 1865, was in favour of extending the franchise to the working classes in the towns.

In an historic move, Gladstone joined [[Lord Palmerston|Palmerston's]] new [[British Liberal Party|Liberal]] government in 1859 as [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]]. In this post, Gladstone was steadily able to reduce income tax during his time in office. He had originally opposed further electoral reform, but by 1865, was in favour of extending the franchise to the working classes in the towns.

==Liberal Leader==

==Liberal Leader==

Palmerston died in 1865 and was replaced by [[John Russell]], who in turn retired in 1867. Gladstone became leader of the Liberal Party. The Liberals won the 1868 general election and Gladstone became [[Prime Minister]], in a government described as ‘the greatest of the 19th century’. A number of important reforms were passed, such as the disestablishment of the unpopular [[Church of Ireland]] in 1869, the [[Forster Education Act]] of 1870, which provided free primary education for all, and the 1872 [[Ballot Act]], which ensured a secret ballot in all future elections.

Palmerston died in 1865 and was replaced by [[John Russell]], who in turn retired in 1867. Gladstone became leader of the Liberal Party. The Liberals won the 1868 general election and Gladstone became [[Prime Minister]], in a government described as ‘the greatest of the 19th century’. A number of important reforms were passed, such as the disestablishment of the unpopular [[Church of Ireland]] in 1869, the [[Forster Education Act]] of 1870, which provided free primary education for all, and the 1872 [[Ballot Act]], which ensured a secret ballot in all future elections.

However, not all of the new legislation was popular with the voting public. Gladstone was defeated in the 1874 general election by his Conservative counterpart [[Benjamin Disraeli]], and soon after resigned as Liberal leader. However, Disraeli’s aggressive foreign policy (particularly in the Middle East) spurred Gladstone back into frontline politics as he launched an extensive campaign against the Conservative government, (known as the ‘Midlothian Campaign’) in 1879 and 1880.

However, not all of the new legislation was popular with the voting public. Gladstone was defeated in the 1874 general election by his Conservative counterpart [[Benjamin Disraeli]], and soon after resigned as Liberal leader. However, Disraeli's aggressive foreign policy (particularly in the Middle East) spurred Gladstone back into frontline politics as he launched an extensive campaign against the Conservative government, (known as the ‘Midlothian Campaign’) in 1879 and 1880.

===Prime Minister 1868-1874===

===Prime Minister 1868-1874===

He set about disengaging Britain from a series of colonial wars, but his foreign policy, which was one of avoidance of entanglements, lacked consistency and distinction. The 1880-85 period had mixed results at best. He undermined his reputation among pacifists and anti-imperialists by his military attack on Egypt in 1882. He was then denounced by jingoes when he sent General [[Charles George Gordon]] to the [[Sudan]] then failed to rescue him as he was besieged at [[Khartoum]] for 10 months and killed 2 days before rescuers arrived.

He set about disengaging Britain from a series of colonial wars, but his foreign policy, which was one of avoidance of entanglements, lacked consistency and distinction. The 1880-85 period had mixed results at best. He undermined his reputation among pacifists and anti-imperialists by his military attack on Egypt in 1882. He was then denounced by jingoes when he sent General [[Charles George Gordon]] to the [[Sudan]] then failed to rescue him as he was besieged at [[Khartoum]] for 10 months and killed 2 days before rescuers arrived.

In 1886, Gladstone was able to defeat [[Lord Salisbury|Lord Salisbury’s]] Conservative government through an alliance with Irish Nationalists and introduced his [[Home Rule]] Bill for Ireland. The issue split the Liberal Party and the Bill was defeated at the second reading. The government then lost the 1886 general election to be replaced by Lord Salisbury’s Conservative Ministry.

In 1886, Gladstone was able to defeat [[Lord Salisbury|Lord Salisbury's]] Conservative government through an alliance with Irish Nationalists and introduced his [[Home Rule]] Bill for Ireland. The issue split the Liberal Party and the Bill was defeated at the second reading. The government then lost the 1886 general election to be replaced by Lord Salisbury's Conservative Ministry.

In 1892, Gladstone was re-elected Prime Minister for the fourth and final time. The following year he introduced his second Home Rule Bill. It passed by a small majority in the Commons, but then was defeated in the Lords.

In 1892, Gladstone was re-elected Prime Minister for the fourth and final time. The following year he introduced his second Home Rule Bill. It passed by a small majority in the Commons, but then was defeated in the Lords.

==The Irish question==

==The Irish question==

The third and final phase of his career was devoted to the Irish question. He sought repeatedly to pass a [[home rule]] bill but failed in 1886 and 1893. In 1869, however, he disestablished the [[Church of Ireland]] (that is the Protestant Anglican Church of the landowners, not the Catholic Church of the peasants), so that taxes were no longer collected for the Church. In 1870 he began to deal with the [[land tenure]] question. The [[Irish Land Act of 1870]] gave some security to Irish tenant farmers by preventing arbitrary eviction and giving the tenants financial rights to improvements they made. The agricultural depression of the 1870s soured the mood, and [[Charles Stewart Parnell]] set up the [[Irish Land League]] that used [[boycott]]s and violence against the landlords.  Gladstone's Land Act of 1881, called the “Magna Carta” of the Irish farmer, recognized the three F’s (fair rent, fixity of tenure, and freedom of sale) and provided a land commission to determine what was a "fair rent."  The [[Ashbourne Act of 1885]] and supplementary acts of 1887 and 1891 provided a loan fund of many millions of pounds for tenants who wished to purchase their lands.  Parnell mastered the arts of [[filibuster]]ing and parliamentary obstruction with 86 solid votes from Irish Nationalist MPs in Parliament he controlled.  They were elected thanks to Gladstone's [[Third Reform Bill of 1884]], which greatly extended the franchise and for the first time treated Ireland and Great Britain on equal terms, thus tripling the Irish electorate. Parnell's MP's brought down Gladstone's second government in June 1885; he was replaced by the Conservatives under [[Lord Salisbury]].

The third and final phase of his career was devoted to the Irish question. He sought repeatedly to pass a [[home rule]] bill but failed in 1886 and 1893. In 1869, however, he disestablished the [[Church of Ireland]] (that is the Protestant Anglican Church of the landowners, not the Catholic Church of the peasants), so that taxes were no longer collected for the Church. In 1870 he began to deal with the [[land tenure]] question. The [[Irish Land Act of 1870]] gave some security to Irish tenant farmers by preventing arbitrary eviction and giving the tenants financial rights to improvements they made. The agricultural depression of the 1870s soured the mood, and [[Charles Stewart Parnell]] set up the [[Irish Land League]] that used [[boycott]]s and violence against the landlords.  Gladstone's Land Act of 1881, called the “Magna Carta” of the Irish farmer, recognized the three F's (fair rent, fixity of tenure, and freedom of sale) and provided a land commission to determine what was a "fair rent."  The [[Ashbourne Act of 1885]] and supplementary acts of 1887 and 1891 provided a loan fund of many millions of pounds for tenants who wished to purchase their lands.  Parnell mastered the arts of [[filibuster]]ing and parliamentary obstruction with 86 solid votes from Irish Nationalist MPs in Parliament he controlled.  They were elected thanks to Gladstone's [[Third Reform Bill of 1884]], which greatly extended the franchise and for the first time treated Ireland and Great Britain on equal terms, thus tripling the Irish electorate. Parnell's MP's brought down Gladstone's second government in June 1885; he was replaced by the Conservatives under [[Lord Salisbury]].

====Home Rule Bill of 1886 ====

====Home Rule Bill of 1886 ====

The Irish land proposals in Gladstone's first [[Home Rule Bill of 1886]] was an unexpected shock to his supporters and brought down his third government in a matter of months. The bill gave all owners of Irish land a chance to sell to the [[state]] at a price equal to 20 years' purchase of the [[rent]]s and allowing [[tenant]]s to purchase the land. [[Republicanism#Ireland|Irish nationalist]] reaction was mixed, [[Ulster Unionism|Unionist]] opinion was hostile, and the election addresses during the 1886 election revealed English radicals to be against the bill also. Among the Liberal rank and file, several Gladstonian candidates disowned the bill, reflecting fears at the constituency level that the interests of the working people were being sacrificed to finance a rescue operation for the landed elite.<ref>Graham D. Goodlad, "The Liberal Party and Gladstone's Land Purchase Bill of 1886.'' ''Historical Journal'' 1989 32(3): 627-641. Issn: 0018-246x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-246X%28198909%2932%3A3%3C627%3ATLPAGL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1  in Jstor]</ref>   

The Irish land proposals in Gladstone's first [[Home Rule Bill of 1886]] was an unexpected shock to his supporters and brought down his third government in a matter of months. The bill gave all owners of Irish land a chance to sell to the [[state]] at a price equal to 20 years' purchase of the [[rent]]s and allowing [[tenant]]s to purchase the land. [[Republicanism#Ireland|Irish nationalist]] reaction was mixed, [[Ulster Unionism|Unionist]] opinion was hostile, and the election addresses during the 1886 election revealed English radicals to be against the bill also. Among the Liberal rank and file, several Gladstonian candidates disowned the bill, reflecting fears at the constituency level that the interests of the working people were being sacrificed to finance a rescue operation for the landed elite.<ref>Graham D. Goodlad, "The Liberal Party and Gladstone's Land Purchase Bill of 1886.'' ''Historical Journal'' 1989 32(3): 627-641. Issn: 0018-246x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-246X%28198909%2932%3A3%3C627%3ATLPAGL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1  in Jstor]</ref>   

* Believed that success was the result of hard work and that failure showed a lack of moral spirit. He therefore believed that the poor should help themselves to alleviate their own condition.

* Believed that success was the result of hard work and that failure showed a lack of moral spirit. He therefore believed that the poor should help themselves to alleviate their own condition.

* A strong supporter of the British monarchy, despite [[Queen Victoria|Queen Victoria’s]] dislike of him. She never liked his serious demeanor, and complained: "He always addresses me as if I were a public meeting."

* A strong supporter of the British monarchy, despite [[Queen Victoria|Queen Victoria's]] dislike of him. She never liked his serious demeanor, and complained: "He always addresses me as if I were a public meeting."

* Described himself as a ‘man in politics’ rather than a politician. He only wanted to do useful work for the good of the country and could never understand his popularity.

* Described himself as a ‘man in politics’ rather than a politician. He only wanted to do useful work for the good of the country and could never understand his popularity.

Originally, Gladstone had held a strong prejudice against Americans, calling them ‘a dishonest, unprincipled people’ in 1844. He was especially critical of the money-grabbing Yankee tradesmen and farmers, and shared the prejudiced view of the English upper-class that the Southern planters, with their cultivated life-style, were the closest America came to having gentlemen.

Originally, Gladstone had held a strong prejudice against Americans, calling them ‘a dishonest, unprincipled people’ in 1844. He was especially critical of the money-grabbing Yankee tradesmen and farmers, and shared the prejudiced view of the English upper-class that the Southern planters, with their cultivated life-style, were the closest America came to having gentlemen.

However, he did not believe that a permanent division of the American Union would be in Britain’s best interests, and the violence of the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] sickened him. He believed that the North would never be able to restore the Union by force, and was prepared to offer diplomatic recognition to the [[Confederate States of America|Southern Confederacy]] if they prevailed.

However, he did not believe that a permanent division of the American Union would be in Britain's best interests, and the violence of the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] sickened him. He believed that the North would never be able to restore the Union by force, and was prepared to offer diplomatic recognition to the [[Confederate States of America|Southern Confederacy]] if they prevailed.

In October 1862, Gladstone caused controversy by remarking, “There is no doubt that [[Jefferson Davis]], and other leaders of the South have made an army. They are making, it appears, a Navy. And they have made – what is more than either – they have made a Nation.”

In October 1862, Gladstone caused controversy by remarking, “There is no doubt that [[Jefferson Davis]], and other leaders of the South have made an army. They are making, it appears, a Navy. And they have made – what is more than either – they have made a Nation.”

Gladstone shocked his Liberal colleagues by appearing to support the Confederacy. [[John Bright]] commented: 'He is for union and freedom in Italy, and for disunion and bondage in America!' Gladstone detested slavery, but saw no point in denouncing it when he believed the anti-slavery cause was lost.  

Gladstone shocked his Liberal colleagues by appearing to support the Confederacy. [[John Bright]] commented: 'He is for union and freedom in Italy, and for disunion and bondage in America!' Gladstone detested slavery, but saw no point in denouncing it when he believed the anti-slavery cause was lost.  

His unguarded comment caused some harm to Anglo-American relations for many years, but the victory of the Union had an important effect on Gladstone’s outlook. His prejudice slowly disappeared, and eventually came to regard American democracy as one of humanity’s supreme achievements. He later described the American Constitution as: 'the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man.'<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R5M2AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA179|last1=Gladstone|first1=William|title=Kin Beyond Sea|date=1878|publisher=North American Review|quote=The two constitutions of the two countries express indeed rather the differences than the resemblances of the nations. The one is a thing grown, the other a thing made: the one a praxis, the other a poiesis: the one the offspring of tendency and indeterminate time, the other of choice and of an epoch. But, as the British Constitution is the most subtile organism which has proceeded from the womb and the long gestation of progressive history, so the American Constitution is, so far as I can see, the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man. It has had a century of trial, under the pressure of exigencies caused by an expansion unexampled in point of rapidity and range; and its exemption from formal change, though not entire, has certainly proved the sagacity of the constructors, and the stubborn strength of the fabric. }}</ref>

His unguarded comment caused some harm to Anglo-American relations for many years, but the victory of the Union had an important effect on Gladstone's outlook. His prejudice slowly disappeared, and eventually came to regard American democracy as one of humanity's supreme achievements. He later described the American Constitution as: 'the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man.'<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R5M2AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA179|last1=Gladstone|first1=William|title=Kin Beyond Sea|date=1878|publisher=North American Review|quote=The two constitutions of the two countries express indeed rather the differences than the resemblances of the nations. The one is a thing grown, the other a thing made: the one a praxis, the other a poiesis: the one the offspring of tendency and indeterminate time, the other of choice and of an epoch. But, as the British Constitution is the most subtile organism which has proceeded from the womb and the long gestation of progressive history, so the American Constitution is, so far as I can see, the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man. It has had a century of trial, under the pressure of exigencies caused by an expansion unexampled in point of rapidity and range; and its exemption from formal change, though not entire, has certainly proved the sagacity of the constructors, and the stubborn strength of the fabric. }}</ref>

==See also==

==See also==