| Line 8: |
Line 8: |
| | | | |
| | === Post European Contact === | | === Post European Contact === |
| − | European discovery of the mainland of Australia was by Dutch sailors heading to the spice isles of what is now [[Indonesia]], in the 16th Century. Most of their descriptions of Australia are based on the exploration of the North West coast which is very rugged and inhospitable. | + | European discovery of the mainland of Australia was by Dutch sailors heading to the spice isles of what is now [[Indonesia]], in the 16th Century. Most of their descriptions of Australia are based on the exploration of the North West coast which is very rugged and inhospitable. |
| | + | |
| | ==British settlement== | | ==British settlement== |
| | In 1770 the English navigator, Lieutenant [[James Cook]], Captain of the Royal Navy bark, [[HMS Endeavour]], discovered the east coast of Australia which is much more capable of maintaining life and settlers. In 1788 the [[First Fleet]] arrived at [[Sydney]] Cove, [[New South Wales]] - comprising officers, Marines, convicts and a very few free settlers. Later fleets brought more convicts who were dispersed also to Tasmania and other remote settlements. Over time, when freed, the former convicts settled areas beyond [[Sydney Harbour]]. | | In 1770 the English navigator, Lieutenant [[James Cook]], Captain of the Royal Navy bark, [[HMS Endeavour]], discovered the east coast of Australia which is much more capable of maintaining life and settlers. In 1788 the [[First Fleet]] arrived at [[Sydney]] Cove, [[New South Wales]] - comprising officers, Marines, convicts and a very few free settlers. Later fleets brought more convicts who were dispersed also to Tasmania and other remote settlements. Over time, when freed, the former convicts settled areas beyond [[Sydney Harbour]]. |
| | | | |
| − | As the 18th century came to a close convicts were given land packages and more free settlers came to the land in the hope of setting up farms and businesses. A number of colonies started to be formed - the most populated being New South Wales (whose capital city is Sydney). These colonies later became the states. | + | As the 18th century came to a close, convicts were given land packages and more free settlers came to the land in the hope of setting up farms and businesses. A number of colonies started to be formed - the most populated being New South Wales (whose capital city is Sydney). These colonies later became the states. |
| | | | |
| | ===Gold=== | | ===Gold=== |
| − | The 1850s saw the discovery of gold and large number of people moved to Australia to find new wealth. Most of these people were British, although there were also many dispossessed by the "land clearings" in Scotland and the [[Irish Potato Famine]], and there was a significant number of Chinese immigrants during this rush. Americans were drawn to Australia to participate in various enterprises such as the gold fields <ref>[http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/statistics/comm-summ/textversion/usa.htm Australian Dept of Immigration and Citizenship]</ref> | + | The 1850s saw the discovery of gold and large numbers of people moved to Australia to find new wealth. Most of these people were British, although there were also many dispossessed by the "land clearings" in Scotland and the [[Irish Potato Famine]], and there was a significant number of Chinese immigrants during this rush. Americans were drawn to Australia to participate in various enterprises such as the gold fields <ref>[http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/statistics/comm-summ/textversion/usa.htm Australian Dept of Immigration and Citizenship]</ref> |
| | + | |
| | ===Religion=== | | ===Religion=== |
| − | The first ministers of religion in Australia were essentially convict chaplains. All were Anglican clergy, employed by the state, and as such they were subject to the orders of the governor. This situation began to change in the 1820s. By then there was a substantial population of free settlers, including Catholics and members of other Protestant denominations, who wanted to appoint their own clergy. During this same period, new lay religious and philanthropic organizations were founded, religious newspapers and magazines began to appear, and the evangelical movement, missionary societies, and religious tract societies also began to make themselves felt. All these developments relied heavily on private donations. This in turn allowed free settlers to supplement and extend the work of the clergy. Religion was thus established as an essential ingredient of colonial society by 1840.<ref>Brian H. Fletcher, "Christianity and Free Society in New South Wales 1788-1840," ''Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society'' 2000 86(2): 93-113</ref> | + | The first ministers of religion in Australia were essentially convict chaplains. All were Anglican clergy, employed by the state, and as such they were subject to the orders of the governor. This situation began to change in the 1820s. By then there was a substantial population of free settlers, including Catholics and members of other Protestant denominations, who wanted to appoint their own clergy. During this same period, new lay religious and philanthropic organizations were founded, religious newspapers and magazines began to appear, and the evangelical movement, missionary societies, and religious tract societies also began to make themselves felt. All these developments relied heavily on private donations. This, in turn, allowed free settlers to supplement and extend the work of the clergy. Religion was thus established as an essential ingredient of colonial society by 1840.<ref>Brian H. Fletcher, "Christianity and Free Society in New South Wales 1788-1840," ''Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society'' 2000 86(2): 93-113</ref> |
| | | | |
| | From 1813 efforts were made to supply the religious needs of British colonists in Australia, first by the Wesleyan Methodists in New South Wales, then by the Anglican Church in alliance with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG), the London Missionary Society (strongly Congregational), the Congregational Union, and the Baptist Colonial Missionary Society. After 1840 there was a new phase of energy on the part of the Anglicans, culminating in the establishment of seven new episcopal sees in Australia by 1863. These activities represented a commitment to Britain's imperial role and reinforced cultural ties with the mother country. Education and the Church of England were inextricably connected in 19th century Australia.<ref>J. D. Bollen, "English Christianity and the Australian Colonies, 1788-1860" ''Journal of Ecclesiastical History'' 1977 28(4): 361-385</ref> | | From 1813 efforts were made to supply the religious needs of British colonists in Australia, first by the Wesleyan Methodists in New South Wales, then by the Anglican Church in alliance with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG), the London Missionary Society (strongly Congregational), the Congregational Union, and the Baptist Colonial Missionary Society. After 1840 there was a new phase of energy on the part of the Anglicans, culminating in the establishment of seven new episcopal sees in Australia by 1863. These activities represented a commitment to Britain's imperial role and reinforced cultural ties with the mother country. Education and the Church of England were inextricably connected in 19th century Australia.<ref>J. D. Bollen, "English Christianity and the Australian Colonies, 1788-1860" ''Journal of Ecclesiastical History'' 1977 28(4): 361-385</ref> |
| | | | |
| − | The ideas of the Anglican clergy were effectively an importation of British liberal values from the second half of the 19th century when William Ewart Gladstone set the tone for British imperial policy and church-state relations. In questions of colonial/dominion autonomy the Anglican bishops were virtually to a man 'Gladstonian liberals' for whom the empire presented a God-given opportunity to spread the Gospel under its protection. | + | The ideas of the Anglican clergy were effectively an importation of British liberal values from the second half of the 19th century when William Ewart Gladstone set the tone for British imperial policy and church-state relations. In questions of colonial/dominion autonomy, the Anglican bishops were virtually to a man 'Gladstonian liberals' for whom the empire presented a God-given opportunity to spread the Gospel under its protection. |
| | | | |
| | John Wollaston was a Cambridgeshire Anglican clergyman in Western Australia from 1841 to 1863. British metropolitan culture was central to the construction of the identities of the colonizers in Australia. Religion was often central to these Australian colonizers, though this requires that religion be identified more broadly than the clergy were prepared to recognize. Wollaston, like other clergy, was a cultural transmitter of British values to Australian colonists. He judged the existence of religion by church attendance, which made him unable to recognize the more domestic religious practices among settlers, who used the church as a secondary religious resource in their lives. His institutional standard of religion also made it almost impossible for him to accept the religion of the Aborigines he encountered as having legitimacy.<ref>Rowan Strong, "The Reverend John Wollaston and Colonial Christianity in Western Australia, 1840-1863" ''Journal of Religious History'' 2001 25(3): 261-285</ref> | | John Wollaston was a Cambridgeshire Anglican clergyman in Western Australia from 1841 to 1863. British metropolitan culture was central to the construction of the identities of the colonizers in Australia. Religion was often central to these Australian colonizers, though this requires that religion be identified more broadly than the clergy were prepared to recognize. Wollaston, like other clergy, was a cultural transmitter of British values to Australian colonists. He judged the existence of religion by church attendance, which made him unable to recognize the more domestic religious practices among settlers, who used the church as a secondary religious resource in their lives. His institutional standard of religion also made it almost impossible for him to accept the religion of the Aborigines he encountered as having legitimacy.<ref>Rowan Strong, "The Reverend John Wollaston and Colonial Christianity in Western Australia, 1840-1863" ''Journal of Religious History'' 2001 25(3): 261-285</ref> |
| Line 28: |
Line 30: |
| | | | |
| | Australian women organized the Presbyterian Women's Missionary Association (PWMA) of New South Wales in 1891 and obtained funding, often from other women's organizations, to support women missionaries overseas. The association's members were middle-class women for whom missionary work was a natural extension of women's domestic responsibilities. Noting the PWMA's successful fund-raising, the men in the Presbyterian Church's governing general assembly asked the women to raise funds to support the church's missions generally. Unable to identify their objectives as part of the female realm of domesticity, the women deferred to the men in the power structure of the Presbyterian Church.<ref>Judith Godden, "Containment and Control: Presbyterian Women and the Missionary Impulse in New South Wales, 1891-1914," ''Women's History Review'' 1997 6(1): 75-93</ref> | | Australian women organized the Presbyterian Women's Missionary Association (PWMA) of New South Wales in 1891 and obtained funding, often from other women's organizations, to support women missionaries overseas. The association's members were middle-class women for whom missionary work was a natural extension of women's domestic responsibilities. Noting the PWMA's successful fund-raising, the men in the Presbyterian Church's governing general assembly asked the women to raise funds to support the church's missions generally. Unable to identify their objectives as part of the female realm of domesticity, the women deferred to the men in the power structure of the Presbyterian Church.<ref>Judith Godden, "Containment and Control: Presbyterian Women and the Missionary Impulse in New South Wales, 1891-1914," ''Women's History Review'' 1997 6(1): 75-93</ref> |
| − |
| |
| | | | |
| | ===Religion at University=== | | ===Religion at University=== |
| Line 46: |
Line 47: |
| | | | |
| | Even though church attendance remained low in post-World War II Australia, the majority of non-churchgoers nevertheless identified with a particular denomination and strongly supported Christianity as a bulwark of public morality. In the 1950s Adelaide, Brisbane and other major cities witnessed intensive, largely successful campaigns by the Catholic and various Protestant churches. The campaigns, culminating with that of the American evangelist [[Billy Graham]] in 1959, served to bolster religious observance and also to emphasize the role of Christianity as a moral force and the basis of a secure social order. As a result, church attendance and other indices of formal religious practice were on the increase by the later 1950s.<ref>David Hilliard, "Popular Religion in Australia in the 1950s: A Study of Adelaide and Brisbane." ''Journal of Religious History'' [Australia] 1988 15 (2): 219-235.</ref> | | Even though church attendance remained low in post-World War II Australia, the majority of non-churchgoers nevertheless identified with a particular denomination and strongly supported Christianity as a bulwark of public morality. In the 1950s Adelaide, Brisbane and other major cities witnessed intensive, largely successful campaigns by the Catholic and various Protestant churches. The campaigns, culminating with that of the American evangelist [[Billy Graham]] in 1959, served to bolster religious observance and also to emphasize the role of Christianity as a moral force and the basis of a secure social order. As a result, church attendance and other indices of formal religious practice were on the increase by the later 1950s.<ref>David Hilliard, "Popular Religion in Australia in the 1950s: A Study of Adelaide and Brisbane." ''Journal of Religious History'' [Australia] 1988 15 (2): 219-235.</ref> |
| | + | |
| | ===Sports=== | | ===Sports=== |
| | Sports are a matter of high visibility and prestige in Australia. Sport has traditionally been seen as a vehicle for the expression of Australian nationalism. Following W. F. Mandle's work on cricket and nationalism, sporting contests between Australia and England have been portrayed as asserting Australian feelings of independence and hostility to Britain. The game has a tradition of gentlemanly fair play and fellowship that has provided a template for behaviour, both on and off the playing field. From colonial times it has been a way to prove that local players, and by extension, the general population, were at least equal to their British counterparts. | | Sports are a matter of high visibility and prestige in Australia. Sport has traditionally been seen as a vehicle for the expression of Australian nationalism. Following W. F. Mandle's work on cricket and nationalism, sporting contests between Australia and England have been portrayed as asserting Australian feelings of independence and hostility to Britain. The game has a tradition of gentlemanly fair play and fellowship that has provided a template for behaviour, both on and off the playing field. From colonial times it has been a way to prove that local players, and by extension, the general population, were at least equal to their British counterparts. |
| Line 63: |
Line 65: |
| | | | |
| | The Australian troops sent to Singapore were captured—and brutally mistreated by the Japanese. Curtin pulled divisions out of the Middle East to defend Australia and worked closely with the theatre commander, the American [[Douglas MacArthur]] to defend against a possible invasion. The stalemated [[Battle of Coral Sea]] off Townsville gave some respite, but plans were discussed to use the limited military resources available to hold the line against invaders, the "Brisbane Line." Japan never did invade; instead under American command Australian forces held in New Guinea and began pushing back. | | The Australian troops sent to Singapore were captured—and brutally mistreated by the Japanese. Curtin pulled divisions out of the Middle East to defend Australia and worked closely with the theatre commander, the American [[Douglas MacArthur]] to defend against a possible invasion. The stalemated [[Battle of Coral Sea]] off Townsville gave some respite, but plans were discussed to use the limited military resources available to hold the line against invaders, the "Brisbane Line." Japan never did invade; instead under American command Australian forces held in New Guinea and began pushing back. |
| − |
| |
| | | | |
| | The opposition (the United Australia Party and the Country Party) strongly favoured the British Empire, and were eager to send the Navy and Air Force, which came under British command. They were also eager to send all four of Australia's divisions to help out but were stunned when the 8th Division in Malaya was surrendered to the Japanese with the fall of Singapore. Everyone agreed that two of the three divisions in the Middle East had to be returned promptly, but the opposition secretly supported [[Winston Churchill]]'s scheme that would divert the divisions to defending Burma. Curtin refused and the divisions came home. | | The opposition (the United Australia Party and the Country Party) strongly favoured the British Empire, and were eager to send the Navy and Air Force, which came under British command. They were also eager to send all four of Australia's divisions to help out but were stunned when the 8th Division in Malaya was surrendered to the Japanese with the fall of Singapore. Everyone agreed that two of the three divisions in the Middle East had to be returned promptly, but the opposition secretly supported [[Winston Churchill]]'s scheme that would divert the divisions to defending Burma. Curtin refused and the divisions came home. |
| | | | |
| | Curtin appealed to his ALP to allow the use of the Citizen Military Forces outside Australia, a dramatic reversal of historic labor policy. Curtin was motivated by electoral calculations and a shrewd response to the campaign of the opposition. In addition American General [[Douglas MacArthur]] influenced Curtin, and the move should be seen in the light of Curtin's appeal for greater assistance from the United States at a time when the Southwest Pacific was low on the list of global priorities. That is, the Americans insisted that Australian soldiers fight as hard for Australia as American soldiers were doing. | | Curtin appealed to his ALP to allow the use of the Citizen Military Forces outside Australia, a dramatic reversal of historic labor policy. Curtin was motivated by electoral calculations and a shrewd response to the campaign of the opposition. In addition American General [[Douglas MacArthur]] influenced Curtin, and the move should be seen in the light of Curtin's appeal for greater assistance from the United States at a time when the Southwest Pacific was low on the list of global priorities. That is, the Americans insisted that Australian soldiers fight as hard for Australia as American soldiers were doing. |
| | + | |
| | ====Home front==== | | ====Home front==== |
| | Curtin also held the post of Defense Minister, and under his direction Australia took rapid strides to full wartime production. In September 1942 Curtin launched the "austerity campaign," saying, "If we do not strip ourselves to save our country, the enemy will do it with ruthless efficiency and a maximum of misery." New restrictions were imposed on sporting events; taxes were raised on all classes of entertainment; liquor consumption was cut back; hotel meals were limited to three courses, and tough laws curbed black markets. Some items were petty, but program was designed to boost the national morale with a sense that everyone is sacrificing at a time when soldiers were dying for their country. It also financed the war as far as possible by taxation supplemented by public national loans, and it placed the highest priority on war production. By December 1942, 60% of Australia's men were in uniform or on full-time war work of all kinds. The factories cut their civilian production in half, as 500,000 of 700,000 factory workers made war goods. | | Curtin also held the post of Defense Minister, and under his direction Australia took rapid strides to full wartime production. In September 1942 Curtin launched the "austerity campaign," saying, "If we do not strip ourselves to save our country, the enemy will do it with ruthless efficiency and a maximum of misery." New restrictions were imposed on sporting events; taxes were raised on all classes of entertainment; liquor consumption was cut back; hotel meals were limited to three courses, and tough laws curbed black markets. Some items were petty, but program was designed to boost the national morale with a sense that everyone is sacrificing at a time when soldiers were dying for their country. It also financed the war as far as possible by taxation supplemented by public national loans, and it placed the highest priority on war production. By December 1942, 60% of Australia's men were in uniform or on full-time war work of all kinds. The factories cut their civilian production in half, as 500,000 of 700,000 factory workers made war goods. |
| Line 93: |
Line 95: |
| | Since the 1970s the evolution of sport in Australia has paralleled the transformation from a modern to a postmodern society and economy. Ambiguity, spectacle and excitement, nostalgia, and technology are elements of the postmodern ethos found in sport, driven today by media coverage and a corporate mentality. Marketing and image have replaced older, more traditional bases of sport. Whether it is cricket, Australian Rules football, soccer, rugby, or basketball, everything has changed, from patterns of fan support to modes of income generation.<ref>Bob Stewart and Aaron Smith, "Australian Sport in a Postmodern Age," ''International Journal of the History of Sport'' 2000 17(2-3): 278-304</ref> | | Since the 1970s the evolution of sport in Australia has paralleled the transformation from a modern to a postmodern society and economy. Ambiguity, spectacle and excitement, nostalgia, and technology are elements of the postmodern ethos found in sport, driven today by media coverage and a corporate mentality. Marketing and image have replaced older, more traditional bases of sport. Whether it is cricket, Australian Rules football, soccer, rugby, or basketball, everything has changed, from patterns of fan support to modes of income generation.<ref>Bob Stewart and Aaron Smith, "Australian Sport in a Postmodern Age," ''International Journal of the History of Sport'' 2000 17(2-3): 278-304</ref> |
| | | | |
| − | The Melbourne Olympic Games in 1956 were well handled, but few international tourists showed up. By contrast when Sydney hosted the 2000 Summer Olympic Games, it gained global attention for an efficiently organized world-class event. The Queen opened the 1956 games but was not invited in 2000, as the spirit of republicanism was too strong. However, many of the hoped-for legacies failed to materialize. General levels of participation in physical activity and sport did not rise, although passive spectatorship including television watching did. Many of the costly Australian facilities built for the games remain underutilized in their wake. While in the short term, some of the economic and political goals were achieved, and a new and better method to collect and disseminate knowledge about games preparation was established, such events remain problematic in their long-term effects on local, populations, societies, and environments.<ref>Kristine Toohey, "The Sydney Olympics: Striving for Legacies - Overcoming Short-Term Disappointments and Long-Term Deficiencies." ''International Journal of the History of Sport 2008 25(14): 1953-1971</ref> | + | The Melbourne Olympic Games in 1956 were well handled, but few international tourists showed up. By contrast, when Sydney hosted the 2000 Summer Olympic Games, it gained global attention for an efficiently organized world-class event. The Queen opened the 1956 games but was not invited in 2000, as the spirit of republicanism was too strong. However, many of the hoped-for legacies failed to materialize. General levels of participation in physical activity and sport did not rise, although passive spectatorship including television watching did. Many of the costly Australian facilities built for the games remain underutilized in their wake. While in the short term, some of the economic and political goals were achieved, and a new and better method to collect and disseminate knowledge about games preparation was established, such events remain problematic in their long-term effects on local, populations, societies, and environments.<ref>Kristine Toohey, "The Sydney Olympics: Striving for Legacies - Overcoming Short-Term Disappointments and Long-Term Deficiencies." ''International Journal of the History of Sport 2008 25(14): 1953-1971</ref> |
| | | | |
| | ==Basic Bibliography== | | ==Basic Bibliography== |
| Line 222: |
Line 224: |
| | ===Primary sources=== | | ===Primary sources=== |
| | * [http://samizdat.stores.yahoo.net/auslitandhis.html Australia: Literature and History 136 e-books] | | * [http://samizdat.stores.yahoo.net/auslitandhis.html Australia: Literature and History 136 e-books] |
| − |
| |
| | | | |
| | ====References==== | | ====References==== |
| | <references/> | | <references/> |
| | + | |
| | [[Category:Australia]] | | [[Category:Australia]] |