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| − | '''Swedish Americans''' are Americans with Swedish heritage, primarily derived from the 1.2 million immigrants who left [[Sweden]] in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. About 3 million Americans (1%) claim some Swedish ancestry. Most Swedish Americans are Lutherans affiliated with the [[Evangelical Lutheran Church in America]] or Methodists. They are mostly concentrated in the Midwest, Mountain states, parts of the Northeast (especially [[Maryland]], [[Delaware]], [[Pennsylvania]], [[New York]], and southern [[New Jersey]]), and to a lesser extent in the South (mainly [[Texas]], [[Oklahoma]], [[Kentucky]], [[Virginia]], and [[West Virginia]]). | + | '''Swedish Americans''' are Americans with Swedish heritage, primarily derived from the 1.2 million immigrants who left [[Sweden]] in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. About 3 million Americans (1%) claim some Swedish ancestry. Most Swedish Americans are Lutherans affiliated with the [[Evangelical Lutheran Church in America]] or Methodists. They are mostly concentrated in the Midwest, Mountain states, parts of the Northeast (especially [[Maryland]], [[Delaware]], [[Pennsylvania]], [[New York]], and southern [[New Jersey]]), and to a lesser extent in the South (mainly [[Florida]], [[Texas]], [[Oklahoma]], [[Kentucky]], [[Virginia]], and [[West Virginia]]). |
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| | The few inhabitants of the Swedish colony of [[New Sweden]] (in existence 1638-1655) intermarried with other colonists. The seven Lutheran churches became Episcopalian and the group largely abandoned any Swedish heritage by 1800.<ref>John Albin Stabb, "Why Did the Colonial Swedish Lutheran Congregations Become Episcopalian?" ''Anglican and Episcopal History'' 1992 61(4): 419-431. Issn: 0896-8039</ref> | | The few inhabitants of the Swedish colony of [[New Sweden]] (in existence 1638-1655) intermarried with other colonists. The seven Lutheran churches became Episcopalian and the group largely abandoned any Swedish heritage by 1800.<ref>John Albin Stabb, "Why Did the Colonial Swedish Lutheran Congregations Become Episcopalian?" ''Anglican and Episcopal History'' 1992 61(4): 419-431. Issn: 0896-8039</ref> |
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| − | Swedes started immigrating in numbers after 1840, coming through New York City; most settled in the Midwest. The largest numbers arrived during the 1850s-1880s, settled in core areas after migrating in steps, and stayed in geographic clusters based on their home provinces and parishes in Sweden (a phenomenon called "chain migration"). Religion played a part among those immigrants encouraged by the Methodist minister Olof Hedström and his brother Jonas. In New York, Olof met and directed Swedish immigrants westward to Illinois, where Jonas had settled in Knox County. While the Norwegian settlements continued to be centered in Wisconsin, the steady stream of immigrants influenced by the Hedströms established the state of Illinois as a fabored destination . | + | Swedes started immigrating in numbers after 1840, coming through New York City; most settled in the Midwest. The largest numbers arrived during the 1850s-1880s, settled in core areas after migrating in steps, and stayed in geographic clusters based on their home provinces and parishes in Sweden (a phenomenon called "chain migration"). Religion played a part among those immigrants encouraged by the Methodist minister Olof Hedström and his brother Jonas. In New York, Olof met and directed Swedish immigrants westward to Illinois, where Jonas had settled in Knox County. While the Norwegian settlements continued to be centered in Wisconsin, the steady stream of immigrants influenced by the Hedströms established the state of Illinois as a favored destination . |
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| | Barton (1994) and Barton (2001) contrasts the generally positive views held by Swedes in American during the 1845-1900 era and the generally negative views held by native who remained in Sweden. Barton suggests three reasons for this difference: homeland perceptions of emigration as the leaving behind of everything and emigrant views of emigration as the most rational response to the terrible living conditions in the homeland; advertisements and propaganda for and against emigration distributed by both American companies and Swedish critics of emigration; and pathetic and tragic emigration tales written and published in Sweden that contrast sharply with the poems, short stories, and history written in America that convey a sense of pride, confidence, and satisfaction with life in the new country. | | Barton (1994) and Barton (2001) contrasts the generally positive views held by Swedes in American during the 1845-1900 era and the generally negative views held by native who remained in Sweden. Barton suggests three reasons for this difference: homeland perceptions of emigration as the leaving behind of everything and emigrant views of emigration as the most rational response to the terrible living conditions in the homeland; advertisements and propaganda for and against emigration distributed by both American companies and Swedish critics of emigration; and pathetic and tragic emigration tales written and published in Sweden that contrast sharply with the poems, short stories, and history written in America that convey a sense of pride, confidence, and satisfaction with life in the new country. |
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| | The Swedes and Norwegians, although they had little contact in Europe, migrated to the same areas in the U.S. and had quite similar, but separate, experiences in terms of lifestyles, religion, politics and community building. The Swedes were more open to collaboration with outside religious groups, such as the Episcopal Church, while the Norwegians looked inward.<ref>H. Arnold Barton, "Partners and Rivals: Norwegian and Swedish Emigration and Immigrants." ''Swedish-American Historical Quarterly'' 2003 54(2): 83-110.</ref> | | The Swedes and Norwegians, although they had little contact in Europe, migrated to the same areas in the U.S. and had quite similar, but separate, experiences in terms of lifestyles, religion, politics and community building. The Swedes were more open to collaboration with outside religious groups, such as the Episcopal Church, while the Norwegians looked inward.<ref>H. Arnold Barton, "Partners and Rivals: Norwegian and Swedish Emigration and Immigrants." ''Swedish-American Historical Quarterly'' 2003 54(2): 83-110.</ref> |
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| − | In the year 1900, Chicago was the city with the second highest number of Swedes after [[Stockholm]], the capital of Sweden. Swedes were attracted to the rich farmalands of the upper Midwest in Minnesota in particular as well as Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Nebraska, Illinois and the Dakotas. Rockford, Illinois, was a major center. In the east, New England became a destination for many skilled industrial workers and Swedish centers developed in areas such as Jamestown, NY; Providence, RI, and Boston, MA. The largest settlement in New England was Worcester, MA.<ref>Charles W. Estus, Sr. and McClymer, John F., eds. ''Gå till Amerika: The Swedish Creation of an Ethnic Identity for Worcester, Massachusetts.'' Worcester Historical Museum 1994. 162 pp.; Harald Runblom, "Leaving Sweden, Entering Worcester." ''Swedish-American Historical Quarterly'' 1995 46(1): pp 8-21, one of several articles in the issue on Worcester</ref> Here, Swedes were drawn to the city's wire and abrasive industries. By 1900 numerous churches, organizations, businesses, and benevolent associations had been organized. Many Swedes also came to the Pacific Northwest during the turn of the twentieth century. | + | In the year 1900, Chicago was the city with the second highest number of Swedes after [[Stockholm]], the capital of Sweden. Swedes were attracted to the rich farmlands of the upper Midwest in Minnesota in particular as well as Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Nebraska, Illinois and the Dakotas. Rockford, Illinois, was a major center. In the east, New England became a destination for many skilled industrial workers and Swedish centers developed in areas such as Jamestown, NY; Providence, RI, and Boston, MA. The largest settlement in New England was Worcester, MA.<ref>Charles W. Estus, Sr. and McClymer, John F., eds. ''Gå till Amerika: The Swedish Creation of an Ethnic Identity for Worcester, Massachusetts.'' Worcester Historical Museum 1994. 162 pp.; Harald Runblom, "Leaving Sweden, Entering Worcester." ''Swedish-American Historical Quarterly'' 1995 46(1): pp 8-21, one of several articles in the issue on Worcester</ref> Here, Swedes were drawn to the city's wire and abrasive industries. By 1900 numerous churches, organizations, businesses, and benevolent associations had been organized. Many Swedes also came to the Pacific Northwest during the turn of the twentieth century. |
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| | Some 1.3 million Swedes moved there during the century of migration ending in 1924. Western railroads had land to sell and needed farmers to buy it and generate outbound traffic, so they aggressively advertised in the United States and abroad. Agents such as Minnesota's Swedish American secretary of state, Hans Mattson, placed advertisements in Swedish- and Norwegian-language papers encouraging settlers to come to western Michigan. In his work for the Lake Superior Railroad, Mattson traveled in 1871 to Sweden, where he emphasized not the quality of land or the wages paid in sawmills, but the positive experience of earlier immigrants. Returning American cousins came back with cash in their pockets and stories of success, encouraging those considering emigration. Swedish data show that the practice of returning home increased over the period of mass emigration. Only about 6% of Swedish emigrants returned home before 1890, but as the stream matured, over 20% returned between 1890 and 1910. By the 1920s over 40% of emigrants went back to Sweden. | | Some 1.3 million Swedes moved there during the century of migration ending in 1924. Western railroads had land to sell and needed farmers to buy it and generate outbound traffic, so they aggressively advertised in the United States and abroad. Agents such as Minnesota's Swedish American secretary of state, Hans Mattson, placed advertisements in Swedish- and Norwegian-language papers encouraging settlers to come to western Michigan. In his work for the Lake Superior Railroad, Mattson traveled in 1871 to Sweden, where he emphasized not the quality of land or the wages paid in sawmills, but the positive experience of earlier immigrants. Returning American cousins came back with cash in their pockets and stories of success, encouraging those considering emigration. Swedish data show that the practice of returning home increased over the period of mass emigration. Only about 6% of Swedish emigrants returned home before 1890, but as the stream matured, over 20% returned between 1890 and 1910. By the 1920s over 40% of emigrants went back to Sweden. |