| − | [[World War Two]] had a surprisingly small impact on voting patterns. There was no great realignment, except perhaps among [[German Americans]], who moved toward the [[GOP]]. The war, however, promoted both the ideology and actuality of shared sacrifice and equality. Heavy [[income tax]]es, [[rationing]] of basic [[food]]s, [[clothing]], and [[gasoline]], and the shutoff of new [[housing]] and [[car]]s, together with the end of [[unemployment]] and very high paying war jobs for the unskilled and semiskilled, made for a radical shift toward economic equality. The index of income inequality shifted dramatically (the richest 5% received 34% of all [[disposable income]] (after tax) in 1929, 25% in 1940, and 16% in 1944.<ref>U.S. Bureau of the Census, ''Historical Statistics of the United States'' (1976) series G342 p 302; D'Ann Campbell, Women at War With America (1984).</ref>). | + | [[World War Two]] had a surprisingly small impact on voting patterns. There was no great realignment, except perhaps among patriotic [[German Americans]], who moved toward the [[GOP]]. War privations, however, promoted both the ideology and actuality of shared sacrifice. Heavy [[income tax]]es, [[rationing]] of basic [[food]]s, [[clothing]], and [[gasoline]], and the shutoff of new [[housing]] and [[car]]s, together with full employment and very high paying war jobs for the unskilled and semiskilled, made for a radical shift toward economic equality. The index of income inequality shifted dramatically (the richest 5% received 34% of all [[disposable income]] (after tax) in 1929, 25% in 1940, and 16% in 1944.<ref>U.S. Bureau of the Census, ''Historical Statistics of the United States'' (1976) series G342 p 302; D'Ann Campbell, Women at War With America (1984).</ref>). |
| − | New Dealers, shut out of the war [[agency|agencies]], controlled the price control agency (The OPA), and [[big government]] [[propaganda]]. The wartime propaganda campaigns stressing shared sacrifice and the equality of all soldiers reflected a new [[consensus]] of [[egalitarian]] thinking. The combination obviously benefited the New Deal, and especially the labor union component of the coalition.<ref>Leff (1991)</ref> The unions seized their opportunity by attacking business for racking off excess [[profit]]s, and by demanding higher [[wages]] in a nationwide wave of [[strike]]s in 1946. | + | New Dealers, shut out of the war [[agency|agencies]], controlled the price control agency (The [[OPA]]), and [[big government]] [[propaganda]]. The wartime propaganda campaigns stressing shared sacrifice and the equality of all soldiers reflected a new [[consensus]] of [[egalitarian]] thinking. The combination obviously benefited the New Deal, and especially the labor union component of the coalition.<ref>Leff (1991)</ref> The unions seized their opportunity by attacking business for racking off excess [[profit]]s, and by demanding higher [[wages]] in a nationwide wave of [[strike]]s in 1946. |
| | Public opinion agreed (in July 1945) with the egalitarian argument about fat cats: 61% though big business owners and executives were paid too much, and 35% added [[doctor]]s and [[lawyer]]s. However, only 22% thought [[factory]] workers were paid too little, while 33% thought office workers were underpaid. Furthermore, a majority as early as summer 1942 identified "labor leaders" as "taking unfair advantage of the war to get money or power for themselves."<ref>OPOR 52, July 1945, from original cards; OPOR March 1942, in Hadley Cantril and Mildred Strunk, ''Public Opinion'' (1951) p. 1176, see also 396-7.</ref> | | Public opinion agreed (in July 1945) with the egalitarian argument about fat cats: 61% though big business owners and executives were paid too much, and 35% added [[doctor]]s and [[lawyer]]s. However, only 22% thought [[factory]] workers were paid too little, while 33% thought office workers were underpaid. Furthermore, a majority as early as summer 1942 identified "labor leaders" as "taking unfair advantage of the war to get money or power for themselves."<ref>OPOR 52, July 1945, from original cards; OPOR March 1942, in Hadley Cantril and Mildred Strunk, ''Public Opinion'' (1951) p. 1176, see also 396-7.</ref> |