Block, Upload, Automoderated users, edit, move, protect, rollback
57,799
edits
Changes
Jump to navigation
Jump to search
Line 53:
Line 53: − + − + − + − "Thus, he was in total control of every bill that came before his committee, no exceptions. If you wanted to introduce legislation dealing with an area of retirement you went to confession with Father Wall. He was one of the few House members who had a private office in the Capitol at the time. In fact, he had a suite of offices on the ground floor. Long before the House was wired to bring the audio proceedings . . . to almost every office, Shady had speakers in his office bringing him the audio proceedings of the House. He was rarely in the chamber unless he had bills to present. If you needed to see Chairman Wall, you made an appointment and went to his office. If he blessed your idea for new legislation, he would introduce the bill, drafted the way he wanted it and under his name. . . . "<ref name="Ron Gomez, p. 72">Ron Gomez, p. 72.</ref>+ − +
→House Retirement Committee
===House Retirement Committee===
===House Retirement Committee===
As chairman of the House Retirement Committee, Wall required that all bills have his pre-approval and be credited to him as the author. According to House rules, however, only the author of a bill has control over the proposed legislation, and only the author can bring up the bill before the House for debate once it has received committee clearance. Ron Gomez, a freshman member on Wall's committee, said that despite the chairman's dictatorial methods, Wall "had saved the state millions of dollars by killing hundreds of special interest retirement bills. At that time, every group in state government had its own separate retirement system. The teachers had one, the state police another, judges had their own [etc.] . . . Each had different rules, different investment plans. Each employed a staff, each had paid actuaries. It was a mess. It hasn't changed much."<ref>Ron Gomez, p. 71.</ref>
As chairman of the House Retirement Committee, Wall required that all bills have his pre-approval and be credited to him as the author. According to House rules, however, only the author of a bill has control over the proposed legislation, and only the author can bring up the bill before the House for debate once it has received committee clearance. Ron Gomez, a freshman member on Wall's committee, said that despite the chairman's dictatorial methods, Wall "had saved the state millions of dollars by killing hundreds of special interest retirement bills. At that time, every group in state government had its own separate retirement system. The teachers had one, the state police another, judges had their own [etc.] . . . Each had different rules, different investment plans. Each employed a staff, each had paid actuaries. It was a mess. It hasn't changed much."<ref>Ron Gomez, p. 71.</ref>
Gomez continued:
Gomez continued:
<blockquote>T
Thus, he was in total control of every bill that came before his committee, no exceptions. If you wanted to introduce legislation dealing with an area of retirement you went to confession with Father Wall. He was one of the few House members who had a private office in the Capitol at the time. In fact, he had a suite of offices on the ground floor. Long before the House was wired to bring the audio proceedings . . . to almost every office, Shady had speakers in his office bringing him the audio proceedings of the House. He was rarely in the chamber unless he had bills to present. If you needed to see Chairman Wall, you made an appointment and went to his office. If he blessed your idea for new legislation, he would introduce the bill, drafted the way he wanted it and under his name. . . . "<ref name="Ron Gomez, p. 72">Ron Gomez, p. 72.</ref></blockquote>
In 1982, the since defunct ''Baton Rouge Enterprise'' named Wall's committee the second "worst committee in the legislature," with only Labor and Industrial Relations deemed even worse. ''The Enterpise'' said that Wall's committee "isn't so bad, except that it's not a committee. It's Shady's classroom" in which he handles his "bored and unruly children."<ref name="Ron Gomez, p. 72"/>
In 1982, the since defunct ''Baton Rouge Enterprise'' named Wall's committee the second "worst committee in the legislature," with only Labor and Industrial Relations deemed even worse. ''The Enterpise'' said that Wall's committee "isn't so bad, except that it's not a committee. It's Shady's classroom" in which he handles his "bored and unruly children."<ref name="Ron Gomez, p. 72"/>
Gomez said that Wall once told him that most appearing before the legislature regarding retirement benefits "consider themselves experts on retirement. They're not. They're just hired guns trying to milk the system. Some of them are actuaries, . . . . [saying] they can predict the future. They can't. They lie. . . . "<ref>Ron Glomez, pp. 72-73.</ref>
Gomez said that Wall once told him that most appearing before the legislature regarding retirement benefits "consider themselves experts on retirement. They're not. They're just hired guns trying to milk the system. Some of them are actuaries, ... [saying] they can predict the future. They can't. They lie. ..."<ref>Ron Glomez, pp. 72-73.</ref>
In 1980, State Treasurer [[Mary Evelyn Parker]] appeared before Wall's committee to request that the state's lesser constitutional officers, such as herself as well as the lieutenant governor, secretary of state, education superintendent, agriculture commissioner, elections commissioner (a post since discontinued), and insurance commissioner, be treated for retirement purposes under the same formula employed since the 1970s for governors, judges, and legislators. Wall refused to budge and adjourned the committee when Gomez insisted that his amendment be heard. Gomez was seeking not to expand benefits to the other constitutional officers but to roll back the payments for future governors, legislators, and judges to the level of the state constitutional officers. Gomez said that his self-defined "fairness and parity bill never came up again, and the good old boy system rolled along until the 1996, when a new flock of reform legislators finally did away with legislative retirement. . . . with the passage of term limits by this same group, the retirement question was almost moot."<ref>Ron Gomez, pp. 73-76.</ref>
In 1980, State Treasurer [[Mary Evelyn Parker]] appeared before Wall's committee to request that the state's lesser constitutional officers, such as herself as well as the lieutenant governor, secretary of state, education superintendent, agriculture commissioner, elections commissioner (a post since discontinued), and insurance commissioner, be treated for retirement purposes under the same formula employed since the 1970s for governors, judges, and legislators. Wall refused to budge and adjourned the committee when Gomez insisted that his amendment be heard. Gomez was seeking not to expand benefits to the other constitutional officers but to roll back the payments for future governors, legislators, and judges to the level of the state constitutional officers. Gomez said that his self-defined "fairness and parity bill never came up again, and the good old boy system rolled along until the 1996, when a new flock of reform legislators finally did away with legislative retirement. . . . with the passage of term limits by this same group, the retirement question was almost moot."<ref>Ron Gomez, pp. 73-76.</ref>