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He founded Christian socialist clubs, and exerted no little influence. The ''bon mot'' of Camille Desmoulins, calling Christ ''le bon sans-cutlotte'', is well known. Saint Simon himself has been sometimes called the first Christian Socialist. His first idea was to induce the Pope to found a new Christian social order, and when he failed in this, he undertook himself to found what he called a New Christianity. Several of the Saint Simonians, notably Buchez, believed that they could, and endeavored strenuously to establish a new social Christianity. Far more truly may Lamennais be considered a leading French Christian Socialist. His journal, ''L' Avenir'', began in 1830 with its motto, " God and liberty, the Pope and the people," and after his break with the papacy, his ''Les Paroles d'len Croyant'' (''The Words of a Believer'', 1839), are among the noblest and most burning Christian socialist utterances ever made. Cabet, the brilliant author of the Utopian ''Icaria'', must also be mentioned here, with his book, ''Le Vrai Christianisme suivant Jesus Christ'' (1846), striving to show that Christianity is communism. Yet in spite of these and other brilliant utterances there has been no organized Christian socialist movement in France until very recent times.  

He founded Christian socialist clubs, and exerted no little influence. The ''bon mot'' of Camille Desmoulins, calling Christ ''le bon sans-cutlotte'', is well known. Saint Simon himself has been sometimes called the first Christian Socialist. His first idea was to induce the Pope to found a new Christian social order, and when he failed in this, he undertook himself to found what he called a New Christianity. Several of the Saint Simonians, notably Buchez, believed that they could, and endeavored strenuously to establish a new social Christianity. Far more truly may Lamennais be considered a leading French Christian Socialist. His journal, ''L' Avenir'', began in 1830 with its motto, " God and liberty, the Pope and the people," and after his break with the papacy, his ''Les Paroles d'len Croyant'' (''The Words of a Believer'', 1839), are among the noblest and most burning Christian socialist utterances ever made. Cabet, the brilliant author of the Utopian ''Icaria'', must also be mentioned here, with his book, ''Le Vrai Christianisme suivant Jesus Christ'' (1846), striving to show that Christianity is communism. Yet in spite of these and other brilliant utterances there has been no organized Christian socialist movement in France until very recent times.  

Says Kaufmann, in his ''Christian Socialism'', p. 169: "De Maistre. Lamennais, Lacordaire, on the one hand, Bonald, Le Play, and le Comte de Mun, on the other, represent in the order we have placed them, though not in chronological sequence, thte ascending and descending scale from and to the Ultramontane standpoint of Christian Socialism."  

Says Kaufmann, in his ''Christian Socialism'', p. 169: "De Maistre. Lamennais, Lacordaire, on the one hand, Bonald, Le Play, and le Comte de Mun, on the other, represent in the order we have placed them, though not in chronological sequence, the ascending and descending scale from and to the Ultramontane standpoint of Christian Socialism."  

The great movement of Le Play can, in itself, however, scarcely be called a Christian Socialist movement, although it has led to some extent to a movement sometimes using this name. Le Play himself, although a devout Roman Catholic, aimed to make his movement purely educational. The founder of the real Roman Catholic socialist movement in France is the Comte de Mun. He, with the Comte de la Tour-du-Pin Chambly, founded, soon after the Franco-Prussian War, the ''Oeuvre des Cercles Catholiques d'Ottvriers'', an association organized for the purpose of bringing together working men on a Church basis, and standing on the social principles of the encyclical and syllabus of 1864. Its professed object is "the counter-revolution, made in the name of the syllabus, and the great work of reestablishing a Christian order in the world of labor." The followers of this school hold the Protestant Reformation to be the parent of all France's moral and social ills. They see in the Reformation a revolution against God, the worship of the sovereignty of the man in place of the sovereignty of God. They class Luther, Calvin, Voltaire, Rousseau, Danton, Robespierre, side by side. Against the Reformation, with its asserted ecclesiastical, political, social, and moral results, they declare war. In place of Protestantism and economic individualism they would establish cooperative association with State aid, under the patronage of the Church of Rome. With the Social Democrats they have nothing to do. Since the Pope has condemned socialism under that name, though indorsing many of its principles, they deny that there can be a Christian Socialism. The movement is more ecclesiastical and political than really Christian Socialist. It is an effort to hold the working classes for Rome. The direction of the unions is placed in the hands of local committees in close connection with a central committee in Paris. It is an attempt, moreover, of bringing together the higher and lower classes of society by means of Christian sympathy, and so to effect social union. These Catholic working men's associations combine the advantages of a religious club, a cooperative supply association, and a laborer's friend society all in one. Eventually the ''Oeuvre'' purposes to become the nucleus of a number of benevolent institutions to promote the welfare of the working man. Originally intended for the workmen of large towns, these associations have spread into the villages, and are now what the Comte de Mun calls calmly settled "islets in the midst of immense populations agitated by the tempests of social war. ' There were 450 of these cercles in 1880, and several employers of labor, like the Christian philanthropist Harmel in the Val-des-Bois, are able to give most satisfactory reports of their own attempts to transform unruly colonies of workmen into quiet and industrious communities by the adoption of the principles of the ''cercles'', and thus to establish a happy relationship between employer and employed.  

The great movement of Le Play can, in itself, however, scarcely be called a Christian Socialist movement, although it has led to some extent to a movement sometimes using this name. Le Play himself, although a devout Roman Catholic, aimed to make his movement purely educational. The founder of the real Roman Catholic socialist movement in France is the Comte de Mun. He, with the Comte de la Tour-du-Pin Chambly, founded, soon after the Franco-Prussian War, the ''Oeuvre des Cercles Catholiques d'Ottvriers'', an association organized for the purpose of bringing together working men on a Church basis, and standing on the social principles of the encyclical and syllabus of 1864. Its professed object is "the counter-revolution, made in the name of the syllabus, and the great work of reestablishing a Christian order in the world of labor." The followers of this school hold the Protestant Reformation to be the parent of all France's moral and social ills. They see in the Reformation a revolution against God, the worship of the sovereignty of the man in place of the sovereignty of God. They class Luther, Calvin, Voltaire, Rousseau, Danton, Robespierre, side by side. Against the Reformation, with its asserted ecclesiastical, political, social, and moral results, they declare war. In place of Protestantism and economic individualism they would establish cooperative association with State aid, under the patronage of the Church of Rome. With the Social Democrats they have nothing to do. Since the Pope has condemned socialism under that name, though indorsing many of its principles, they deny that there can be a Christian Socialism. The movement is more ecclesiastical and political than really Christian Socialist. It is an effort to hold the working classes for Rome. The direction of the unions is placed in the hands of local committees in close connection with a central committee in Paris. It is an attempt, moreover, of bringing together the higher and lower classes of society by means of Christian sympathy, and so to effect social union. These Catholic working men's associations combine the advantages of a religious club, a cooperative supply association, and a laborer's friend society all in one. Eventually the ''Oeuvre'' purposes to become the nucleus of a number of benevolent institutions to promote the welfare of the working man. Originally intended for the workmen of large towns, these associations have spread into the villages, and are now what the Comte de Mun calls calmly settled "islets in the midst of immense populations agitated by the tempests of social war. ' There were 450 of these cercles in 1880, and several employers of labor, like the Christian philanthropist Harmel in the Val-des-Bois, are able to give most satisfactory reports of their own attempts to transform unruly colonies of workmen into quiet and industrious communities by the adoption of the principles of the ''cercles'', and thus to establish a happy relationship between employer and employed.  

In 1887 there were 400 ''cercles'' and 130 cooperative associations.  

In 1887 there were 400 ''cercles'' and 130 cooperative associations.

===Belgium===

===Belgium===