Changes

In 2019 Hong Kong clings to [[democracy]] against tyrannical suppression by [[communist]] [[China]].  Pro-[[globalist]] entities, like [[Nike, Inc.]], and the [[NBA]], favor [[China]] for financial gain.

In 2019 Hong Kong clings to [[democracy]] against tyrannical suppression by [[communist]] [[China]].  Pro-[[globalist]] entities, like [[Nike, Inc.]], and the [[NBA]], favor [[China]] for financial gain.

From 1841-1997, it was a British colony and the main trading base for the [[British Empire]] in Asia. Despite being handed back to China in 1997, it has remained autonomy under "one country, two systems" and being an SAR status. There is a [[free press]] but no [[democracy]] and no real elections; all major government decisions are made by the government of China.

From 1841–1997, it was a British colony and the main trading base for the [[British Empire]] in Asia. Despite being handed back to China in 1997, it has remained autonomy under "one country, two systems" and being an SAR status. There is a [[free press]] but no [[democracy]] and no real elections; all major government decisions are made by the government of China.

The population of Hong Kong is about 7 million people. The largest urban areas are Kowloon (population 2 million), Central, Tsuen Wan and Sha Tin. Property prices in Hong Kong's Central District are the second most expensive in the world, after those of central [[Tokyo]].

The population of Hong Kong is about 7 million people. The largest urban areas are Kowloon (population 2 million), Central, Tsuen Wan and Sha Tin. Property prices in Hong Kong's Central District are the second most expensive in the world, after those of central [[Tokyo]].

Schooling was not compulsory but the colonial government began annual cash grants in 1847 to schools for the Chinese; there was never any effort to impose English. In 1873, the annual grants were extended to voluntary schools operated by Christian missionaries. College of Medicine for the Chinese, opened in 1887 with [[Sun Yat Sen]] as one of its first two students; it became the University of Hong Kong in 1911 and built arts, engineering and medical faculties. However, throughout the 20th century higher education opportunities were limited.

Schooling was not compulsory but the colonial government began annual cash grants in 1847 to schools for the Chinese; there was never any effort to impose English. In 1873, the annual grants were extended to voluntary schools operated by Christian missionaries. College of Medicine for the Chinese, opened in 1887 with [[Sun Yat Sen]] as one of its first two students; it became the University of Hong Kong in 1911 and built arts, engineering and medical faculties. However, throughout the 20th century higher education opportunities were limited.

The Church Missionary Society of the Church of England promoted work in China after 1844. George Smith (1815–1871) was the first bishop of Hong Kong, 1850-64. Smith handled Anglican pastoral and missionary, and directed St. Paul's Missionary College (now St Paul's Boys' School). He spoke Chinese and conducted both Chinese and English services. Smith set up the first mission to seamen in Hong Kong and was president of the Bible Society in Hong Kong. He ordained the first two Chinese deacons in 1863. The governor appointed Smith as chairman of the education committee in 1852 and of its successor, the board of education, in 1860.<ref>Gillian Bickley, "Smith, George (1815–1871)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' (Sept 2004); online edn, Jan 2008</ref>  

The Church Missionary Society of the Church of England promoted work in China after 1844. George Smith (1815–1871) was the first bishop of Hong Kong, 1850–64. Smith handled Anglican pastoral and missionary, and directed St. Paul's Missionary College (now St Paul's Boys' School). He spoke Chinese and conducted both Chinese and English services. Smith set up the first mission to seamen in Hong Kong and was president of the Bible Society in Hong Kong. He ordained the first two Chinese deacons in 1863. The governor appointed Smith as chairman of the education committee in 1852 and of its successor, the board of education, in 1860.<ref>Gillian Bickley, "Smith, George (1815–1871)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' (Sept 2004); online edn, Jan 2008</ref>  

Frederick Stewart (1836–1889), the first head of the government education department was a Scottish Presbyterian educator who helped structure the educational system 1862-1878. Most residents were too poor to educate their children: school attendance among the farming and large transient fishing communities was irregular and Chinese girls generally were not educated.  Stewart passionately valued education for individual fulfillment and only secondly for society's needs. He established, developed, and managed both a school and a system, learning and using spoken Cantonese and written Chinese in his work.  In 1873 he established a successful grant-in-aid scheme for non-government schools (generally warmly supported by missionaries) and saw a sharp increase in attendance. In 1889 he supported a successful initiative to extend government Western education taught through English to Chinese girls.  His work was enthusiastically supported by the governors Sir Richard MacDonnell and Sir Arthur Kennedy, but his work was obstructed by John Pope-Hennessy, governor 1877-1882. Pope-Hennessy, a highly controversial Irish Catholic hostile to Protestants, favored the Chinese over the British, and faulted the English-language achievements of Stewart's Central School pupils and disapproved of the dual curriculum which was the school's unique and particular strength. Although language policy had been a source of controversy at various times during the 1860s and 1870s, it was not until Pope-Hennessy’s raised the issue that conflict over the roles of English and Chinese in the colony's education system came fully into the open.<ref>Kate Lowe and Eugene McLaughlin. "Sir John Pope Hennessy and the 'native race craze': colonial government in Hong Kong, 1877–1882", ''Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History,'' 20 (1992), 223–47 ·

Frederick Stewart (1836–1889), the first head of the government education department was a Scottish Presbyterian educator who helped structure the educational system 1862–1878. Most residents were too poor to educate their children: school attendance among the farming and large transient fishing communities was irregular and Chinese girls generally were not educated.  Stewart passionately valued education for individual fulfillment and only secondly for society's needs. He established, developed, and managed both a school and a system, learning and using spoken Cantonese and written Chinese in his work.  In 1873 he established a successful grant-in-aid scheme for non-government schools (generally warmly supported by missionaries) and saw a sharp increase in attendance. In 1889 he supported a successful initiative to extend government Western education taught through English to Chinese girls.  His work was enthusiastically supported by the governors Sir Richard MacDonnell and Sir Arthur Kennedy, but his work was obstructed by John Pope-Hennessy, governor 1877–1882. Pope-Hennessy, a highly controversial Irish Catholic hostile to Protestants, favored the Chinese over the British, and faulted the English-language achievements of Stewart's Central School pupils and disapproved of the dual curriculum which was the school's unique and particular strength. Although language policy had been a source of controversy at various times during the 1860s and 1870s, it was not until Pope-Hennessy's raised the issue that conflict over the roles of English and Chinese in the colony's education system came fully into the open.<ref>Kate Lowe and Eugene McLaughlin. "Sir John Pope Hennessy and the 'native race craze': colonial government in Hong Kong, 1877–1882", ''Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History,'' 20 (1992), 223–47 ·

</ref>  In 1883, on the initiative of the Colonial Office, and under a new governor, Sir George Bowen, he was appointed registrar-general and protector of Chinese. In 1887 Stewart was appointed colonial secretary—the head of the permanent civil service—and he occasionally acted as governor.  Through his work in setting up a government education system which accommodated the best of two cultures—English and Chinese languages, Western and Chinese curricula, and modern and traditional pedagogies—Stewart made a lasting impact which accelerated the modernization of China. His own educational example, the pedagogical materials he produced, and his graduates all were important. Bilingual and bicultural pupils from the flagship Hong Kong Government Central School for Boys staffed many Hong Kong and imperial institutions;  many attended the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese, of which Stewart was the first rector. Several won positions of influence in the imperial Chinese or Hong Kong colonial governments; others, admiring Western ideals, became revolutionaries, most notably Sun Yat Sen, the first president of China.<ref>Gillian Bickley, "Stewart, Frederick (1836–1889)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' Sept 2004; online edn, Jan 2008</ref>

</ref>  In 1883, on the initiative of the Colonial Office, and under a new governor, Sir George Bowen, he was appointed registrar-general and protector of Chinese. In 1887 Stewart was appointed colonial secretary—the head of the permanent civil service—and he occasionally acted as governor.  Through his work in setting up a government education system which accommodated the best of two cultures—English and Chinese languages, Western and Chinese curricula, and modern and traditional pedagogies—Stewart made a lasting impact which accelerated the modernization of China. His own educational example, the pedagogical materials he produced, and his graduates all were important. Bilingual and bicultural pupils from the flagship Hong Kong Government Central School for Boys staffed many Hong Kong and imperial institutions;  many attended the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese, of which Stewart was the first rector. Several won positions of influence in the imperial Chinese or Hong Kong colonial governments; others, admiring Western ideals, became revolutionaries, most notably Sun Yat Sen, the first president of China.<ref>Gillian Bickley, "Stewart, Frederick (1836–1889)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,'' Sept 2004; online edn, Jan 2008</ref>

On 1 July 2003, over half a million Hong Kong citizens staged a mass protest against the poor governance of the post-handover SAR government. The grievances of the marchers quickly snowballed into a widely backed movement for democracy, and another large rally was held on 1 July 2004.  The landslide support for pro-democratic candidates during the local elections held on 23 November 2003 unnerved Beijing over its possible loss of control over Hong Kong. The government of China quickly shifted from a soft-line approach that talked about virtual autonomy to a hard-line approach, attempting to dampen the local democracy movement.  Beijing banned universal suffrage for the elections of a Chief Executive in 2007 and a legislature in 2008.  There were five fundamental causes of Hong Kong's broad-based demand for full democracy. First economic uncertainly rose sharply after 1999, as the competitiveness of the Hong Kong economy slipped and the transition to a knowledge economy was hindered by stagnant rates of university attendance. Secondly, the level of economic inequality increased,<ref>Li Zhang, "Economic Growth and Income Inequality in Hong Kong: Trends and Explanations," ''China: An International Journal'' 3#1 March 2005, pp. 74-103 in [[Project Muse]]</ref> along with a sense that cronyism was rampant and getting worse.  Thirdly the government deficit has soared, leading to cutbacks in government services; by 2003 the government had spent half the financial reserves left by the British, and sold land assets to cover the deficit. At a deeper level citizens are anxious about their lack of voice in an authoritarian polity.<ref>Yushuo Zheng, "Hong Kong's Democrats Stumble," ''Journal of Democracy'' 16#1 January 2005, pp. 138-152 in [[Project Muse]]</ref> The The fifth fundamental problem was the failure of the new "Principal Officials Accountability System" and the growth of popular distrust towards the non-democratic system.<ref>Ming Sing, "The Legitimacy Problem and Democratic Reform in Hong Kong." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2006 15(48): 517-532. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]; Christine Loh, and Richard Cullen, "Political Reform in Hong Kong: the Principal Officials Accountability System. The First Year (2002-2003)." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2005 14(42): 153-176. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

On 1 July 2003, over half a million Hong Kong citizens staged a mass protest against the poor governance of the post-handover SAR government. The grievances of the marchers quickly snowballed into a widely backed movement for democracy, and another large rally was held on 1 July 2004.  The landslide support for pro-democratic candidates during the local elections held on 23 November 2003 unnerved Beijing over its possible loss of control over Hong Kong. The government of China quickly shifted from a soft-line approach that talked about virtual autonomy to a hard-line approach, attempting to dampen the local democracy movement.  Beijing banned universal suffrage for the elections of a Chief Executive in 2007 and a legislature in 2008.  There were five fundamental causes of Hong Kong's broad-based demand for full democracy. First economic uncertainly rose sharply after 1999, as the competitiveness of the Hong Kong economy slipped and the transition to a knowledge economy was hindered by stagnant rates of university attendance. Secondly, the level of economic inequality increased,<ref>Li Zhang, "Economic Growth and Income Inequality in Hong Kong: Trends and Explanations," ''China: An International Journal'' 3#1 March 2005, pp. 74-103 in [[Project Muse]]</ref> along with a sense that cronyism was rampant and getting worse.  Thirdly the government deficit has soared, leading to cutbacks in government services; by 2003 the government had spent half the financial reserves left by the British, and sold land assets to cover the deficit. At a deeper level citizens are anxious about their lack of voice in an authoritarian polity.<ref>Yushuo Zheng, "Hong Kong's Democrats Stumble," ''Journal of Democracy'' 16#1 January 2005, pp. 138-152 in [[Project Muse]]</ref> The The fifth fundamental problem was the failure of the new "Principal Officials Accountability System" and the growth of popular distrust towards the non-democratic system.<ref>Ming Sing, "The Legitimacy Problem and Democratic Reform in Hong Kong." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2006 15(48): 517-532. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]; Christine Loh, and Richard Cullen, "Political Reform in Hong Kong: the Principal Officials Accountability System. The First Year (2002-2003)." ''Journal of Contemporary China'' 2005 14(42): 153-176. Issn: 1067-0564 Fulltext: [[Ebsco]]</ref>

In September 2008, "pandemocrats" as they call themselves, retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Council election. Beijing’s interferences with the elections, though less blatant than those of 2004, unmistakably cast doubt on its sincerity to implement democracy in Hong Kong by 2020. In 2008, Beijing promoted a new wave of pro-Beijing professionals with a stronger and more independent image. The sudden rise and stunning electoral victories of the Social Democrats, who are hallmarked by civil disobedience on behalf of democratic and social reforms, reflect a deepening sense of public despair about the futility of the current political system, and a proliferating radicalism. A decade after the handover of their city to China, Hong Kong's "pandemocrats" remain able to stand their ground at the ballot box.<ref>Ming Sing, "Hong Kong’s Democrats Hold Their Own," ''Journal of Democracy'', Volume 20, Number 1, January 2009, pp. 98-112 in [[Project MUSE]]</ref>

In September 2008, "pandemocrats" as they call themselves, retained the voters’ support during the Legislative Council election. Beijing's interferences with the elections, though less blatant than those of 2004, unmistakably cast doubt on its sincerity to implement democracy in Hong Kong by 2020. In 2008, Beijing promoted a new wave of pro-Beijing professionals with a stronger and more independent image. The sudden rise and stunning electoral victories of the Social Democrats, who are hallmarked by civil disobedience on behalf of democratic and social reforms, reflect a deepening sense of public despair about the futility of the current political system, and a proliferating radicalism. A decade after the handover of their city to China, Hong Kong's "pandemocrats" remain able to stand their ground at the ballot box.<ref>Ming Sing, "Hong Kong’s Democrats Hold Their Own," ''Journal of Democracy'', Volume 20, Number 1, January 2009, pp. 98-112 in [[Project MUSE]]</ref>

Hong Kong saw massive protests in 2019 – dwarfing previous protests – over an extradition bill that would have reduced the city's autonomy and freedoms. In November 2019, pro-democracy activists saw major victories in the city's district council elections, which saw massive turnout.<ref>Multiple references:

Hong Kong saw massive protests in 2019 – dwarfing previous protests – over an extradition bill that would have reduced the city's autonomy and freedoms. In November 2019, pro-democracy activists saw major victories in the city's district council elections, which saw massive turnout.<ref>Multiple references: