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Many cogent objections to this thesis have been raised by sober voices, including from within the black community itself, such as [[Thomas Sowell]] and Wilfred Reilly. These people are not racists or ‘[[Uncle Tom]]s’. They are intelligent scholars who reject a narrative that strips black people of agency and systematically externalizes the problems of the black community onto outsiders. Their view is entirely absent from the departmental and UCB-wide communiques.

Many cogent objections to this thesis have been raised by sober voices, including from within the black community itself, such as [[Thomas Sowell]] and Wilfred Reilly. These people are not racists or ‘[[Uncle Tom]]s’. They are intelligent scholars who reject a narrative that strips black people of agency and systematically externalizes the problems of the black community onto outsiders. Their view is entirely absent from the departmental and UCB-wide communiques.

The claim that the difficulties that the black community faces are entirely causally explained by exogenous factors in the form of white systemic racism, white supremacy, and other forms of white [[discrimination]] remains a problematic [[hypothesis]] that should be vigorously challenged by [[historian]]s. Instead, it is being treated as an axiomatic and actionable truth without serious consideration of its profound flaws, or its worrying implication of total black [[impotence]]. This hypothesis is transforming our institution and our [[culture]], without any space for dissent outside of a tightly policed, narrow discourse.

The claim that the difficulties that the black community faces are entirely causally explained by exogenous factors in the form of white systemic racism, white supremacy, and other forms of white [[discrimination]] remains a problematic [[hypothesis]] that should be vigorously challenged by [[historian]]s. Instead, it is being treated as an axiomatic and actionable truth without serious consideration of its profound flaws, or its worrying implication of total black impotence. This hypothesis is transforming our institution and our [[culture]], without any space for dissent outside of a tightly policed, narrow discourse.

A counter-narrative exists. If you have time, please consider examining some of the documents I attach at the end of this email. Overwhelmingly, the reasoning provided by [[BLM]] and allies is either primarily anecdotal (as in the case with the bulk of Ta-Nehisi Coates’ undeniably moving article) or it is transparently motivated. As an example of the latter problem, consider the proportion of black incarcerated Americans. This proportion is often used to characterize the criminal justice system as anti-black. However, if we use the precise same [[methodology]], we would have to conclude that the criminal justice system is even more anti-[[male]] than it is anti-black.

A counter-narrative exists. If you have time, please consider examining some of the documents I attach at the end of this email. Overwhelmingly, the reasoning provided by [[BLM]] and allies is either primarily anecdotal (as in the case with the bulk of Ta-Nehisi Coates’ undeniably moving article) or it is transparently motivated. As an example of the latter problem, consider the proportion of black incarcerated Americans. This proportion is often used to characterize the criminal justice system as anti-black. However, if we use the precise same [[methodology]], we would have to conclude that the criminal justice system is even more anti-[[male]] than it is anti-black.

Would we characterize criminal justice as a systemically [[misandrist]] [[conspiracy]] against [[innocent]] American [[men]]? I hope you see that this type of reasoning is flawed, and requires a significant suspension of our [[rational]] faculties. Black people are not incarcerated at higher rates than their involvement in [[violent]] crime would predict. This fact has been demonstrated multiple times across multiple [[jurisdiction]]s in multiple countries. And yet, I see my department uncritically reproducing a narrative that diminishes black agency in favor of a white-centric explanation that appeals to the department’s apparent desire to shoulder the ‘white man’s burden’ and to promote a narrative of white guilt.

Would we characterize criminal justice as a systemically [[misandry|misandrist]] [[conspiracy]] against innocent American [[men]]? I hope you see that this type of reasoning is flawed, and requires a significant suspension of our [[rational]] faculties. Black people are not incarcerated at higher rates than their involvement in [[violent]] crime would predict. This fact has been demonstrated multiple times across multiple [[jurisdiction]]s in multiple countries. And yet, I see my department uncritically reproducing a narrative that diminishes black agency in favor of a white-centric explanation that appeals to the department’s apparent desire to shoulder the ‘white man’s burden’ and to promote a narrative of white guilt.

If we claim that the criminal justice system is white-supremacist, why is it that [[Asia]]n Americans, [[India]]n Americans, and [[Nigeria]]n Americans are incarcerated at vastly lower rates than white Americans? This is a funny sort of white supremacy. Even [[Jewish]] Americans are incarcerated less than [[gentile]] whites. I think it’s fair to say that your average white supremacist disapproves of Jews. And yet, these alleged white supremacists incarcerate gentiles at vastly higher rates than Jews.

If we claim that the criminal justice system is white-supremacist, why is it that [[Asia]]n Americans, [[India]]n Americans, and [[Nigeria]]n Americans are incarcerated at vastly lower rates than white Americans? This is a funny sort of white supremacy. Even [[Jewish]] Americans are incarcerated less than [[gentile]] whites. I think it’s fair to say that your average white supremacist disapproves of Jews. And yet, these alleged white supremacists incarcerate gentiles at vastly higher rates than Jews.

None of this is addressed in your [[literature]]. None of this is explained, beyond hand-waving and [[ad hominem]]s. “Those are racist dogwhistles”. “The model minority myth is white supremacist”. “Only [[fascist]]s talk about black-on-black crime”, [[ad nauseam]]. These types of statements do not amount to counterarguments: they are simply arbitrary offensive classifications, intended to silence and oppress discourse. Any serious historian will recognize these for the silencing [[orthodox]]y [[tactic]]s they are, common to suppressive [[regime]]s, doctrines, and [[religion]]s throughout time and space. They are intended to crush real diversity and permanently exile the culture of robust criticism from our department.

None of this is addressed in your [[literature]]. None of this is explained, beyond hand-waving and [[ad hominem]]s. “Those are racist dogwhistles”. “The model minority myth is white supremacist”. “Only [[fascist]]s talk about black-on-black crime”, ad nauseam. These types of statements do not amount to counterarguments: they are simply arbitrary offensive classifications, intended to silence and oppress discourse. Any serious historian will recognize these for the silencing [[orthodox]]y [[tactic]]s they are, common to suppressive regimes, doctrines, and [[religion]]s throughout time and space. They are intended to crush real diversity and permanently exile the culture of robust criticism from our department.

Increasingly, we are being called upon to comply and subscribe to BLM’s problematic view of history, and the department is being presented as unified on the matter. In particular, [[ethnic]] minorities are being aggressively marshaled into a single position. Any apparent unity is surely a function of the fact that dissent could almost certainly lead to expulsion or cancellation for those of us in a precarious position, which is no small number.

Increasingly, we are being called upon to comply and subscribe to BLM’s problematic view of history, and the department is being presented as unified on the matter. In particular, ethnic minorities are being aggressively marshaled into a single position. Any apparent unity is surely a function of the fact that dissent could almost certainly lead to expulsion or cancellation for those of us in a precarious position, which is no small number.

I personally don’t dare speak out against the BLM narrative, and with this barrage of alleged unity being mass-produced by the administration, tenured professoriat, the UC administration, [[corporate]] America, and the [[media]], the punishment for dissent is a clear danger at a time of widespread [[economic]] vulnerability. I am certain that if my name were attached to this email, I would lose my job and all future jobs, even though I believe in and can justify every word I type.

I personally don’t dare speak out against the BLM narrative, and with this barrage of alleged unity being mass-produced by the administration, tenured professoriat, the UC administration, [[corporate]] America, and the [[media]], the punishment for dissent is a clear danger at a time of widespread [[economic]] vulnerability. I am certain that if my name were attached to this email, I would lose my job and all future jobs, even though I believe in and can justify every word I type.

Please look into your hearts and see how monstrously [[bigot]]ed this formulation truly is. No discussion is permitted for non-black victims of black violence, who proportionally outnumber black victims of non-black violence. This is especially bitter in the Bay Area, where Asian victimization by black assailants has reached epidemic proportions, to the point that the SF police chief has advised Asians to stop hanging good-luck charms on their doors, as this attracts the attention of (overwhelmingly black) home invaders. Home invaders like George Floyd.

Please look into your hearts and see how monstrously [[bigot]]ed this formulation truly is. No discussion is permitted for non-black victims of black violence, who proportionally outnumber black victims of non-black violence. This is especially bitter in the Bay Area, where Asian victimization by black assailants has reached epidemic proportions, to the point that the SF police chief has advised Asians to stop hanging good-luck charms on their doors, as this attracts the attention of (overwhelmingly black) home invaders. Home invaders like George Floyd.

For this actual, lived, physically experienced reality of violence in the USA, there are no marches, no tearful emails from departmental heads, no support from [[McDonald’s]] and [[Wal-Mart]]. For the History department, our silence is not a mere abrogation of our duty to shed light on the truth: it is a rejection of it.

For this actual, lived, physically experienced reality of violence in the USA, there are no marches, no tearful emails from departmental heads, no support from McDonald’s and [[Wal-Mart]]. For the History department, our silence is not a mere abrogation of our duty to shed light on the truth: it is a rejection of it.

The claim that black interracial violence is the product of [[redlining]], [[slavery]], and other injustices is a largely historical claim. It is for historians, therefore, to explain why [[Japan]]ese internment or the massacre of [[Holocaust|European Jewry]] hasn’t led to equivalent rates of dysfunction and low SES performance among Japanese and Jewish Americans respectively. [[Arab]] Americans have been viciously demonized since [[9/11]], as have [[Chinese]] Americans more recently. However, both groups outperform white Americans on nearly all SES indices – as do Nigerian Americans, who incidentally have black skin. It is for historians to point out and discuss these anomalies. However, no real discussion is possible in the current climate at our department. The explanation is provided to us, disagreement with it is racist, and the job of historians is to further explore additional ways in which the explanation is additionally correct. This is a mockery of the historical profession.

The claim that black interracial violence is the product of [[redlining]], [[slavery]], and other injustices is a largely historical claim. It is for historians, therefore, to explain why [[Japan]]ese internment or the massacre of [[Holocaust|European Jewry]] hasn’t led to equivalent rates of dysfunction and low SES performance among Japanese and Jewish Americans respectively. [[Arab]] Americans have been viciously demonized since [[9/11]], as have [[Chinese]] Americans more recently. However, both groups outperform white Americans on nearly all SES indices – as do Nigerian Americans, who incidentally have black skin. It is for historians to point out and discuss these anomalies. However, no real discussion is possible in the current climate at our department. The explanation is provided to us, disagreement with it is racist, and the job of historians is to further explore additional ways in which the explanation is additionally correct. This is a mockery of the historical profession.

I hope you appreciate the frustration behind this message. I do not support BLM. I do not support the Democrat grievance agenda and the Party’s uncontested capture of our department. I do not support the Party co-opting my race, as Biden recently did in his disturbing interview, claiming that voting Democrat and being black are isomorphic.

I hope you appreciate the frustration behind this message. I do not support BLM. I do not support the Democrat grievance agenda and the Party’s uncontested capture of our department. I do not support the Party co-opting my race, as Biden recently did in his disturbing interview, claiming that voting Democrat and being black are isomorphic.

I condemn the manner of George Floyd’s death and join you in calling for greater police accountability and police reform. However, I will not pretend that [[George Floyd]] was anything other than a violent [[misogynist]], a brutal man who met a predictably brutal end. I also want to protect the practice of history. Cleo is no grovelling handmaiden to politicians and corporations. Like us, she is free.<ref>https://uncoverdc.com/2020/06/12/uc-berkeley-history-professors-open-letter-against-blm-police-brutality-and-cultural-orthodoxy/</ref>}}

I condemn the manner of [[George Floyd]]’s death and join you in calling for greater police accountability and police reform. However, I will not pretend that George Floyd was anything other than a violent [[misogynist]], a brutal man who met a predictably brutal end. I also want to protect the practice of history. Cleo is no grovelling handmaiden to politicians and corporations. Like us, she is free.<ref>https://uncoverdc.com/2020/06/12/uc-berkeley-history-professors-open-letter-against-blm-police-brutality-and-cultural-orthodoxy/</ref>}}

==Van Jones on rectification==

==Van Jones on rectification==