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}}</ref> Charles J. Moore, [[Abbie Hoffman]], [[Rudi Dutschke]], and Robert M. Young.
}}</ref> Charles J. Moore, [[Abbie Hoffman]], [[Rudi Dutschke]], and Robert M. Young.
Marcuse later expressed his radical ideas through three pieces of writing. He wrote ''An Essay on Liberation'' in 1969, in which he celebrated so0called "[[national liberation movement]]s" such as that of the [[Viet Cong]], which inspired many radicals. In 1972 he wrote ''Counterrevolution and Revolt'', which argues that the hopes of the 1960s were facing a counterrevolution from the right. He published his final work ''The Aesthetic Dimension'' in 1979 on the role of art in the process of what he termed "emancipation" from "[[bourgeois]]" society.
Marcuse later expressed his radical ideas through three pieces of writing. He wrote ''An Essay on Liberation'' in 1969, in which he celebrated so0called "[[national liberation movement]]s" such as that of the [[Viet Cong]], which inspired many radicals. In 1972 he wrote ''Counterrevolution and Revolt'', which argues that the hopes of the 1960s were facing a counterrevolution from the right. He published his final work ''The Aesthetic Dimension'' in 1979 on the role of art in the process of what he termed "emancipation" from "[[bourgeois]]" society.
Marcuse realized that America is a nation uniquely unburdened by a class structure, at least in the way most European nations are defined along incredibly strict stratifications of class distinction, down to how one’s class can be identified almost immediately just by one’s accent.
In America, the boundless upward mobility afforded by a [[republic]] based on the rights of the individual as opposed to the privileges of a special class, are how a prairie lawyer like Abraham Lincoln could become president, or how Barack Obama, the biracial son of a single mother, could do exactly the same thing. Fomenting a [[class war]] was clearly not going to work in a country where even the idea of class distinctions was frowned upon by the majority. Social strife was to be exacerbated so that established societal structures could be dismantled. Marcuse found another dividing line that could be exploited to exacerbate social strife and dismantle societal structures—“victim groups.”<ref>https://www.breitbart.com/politics/2019/10/28/exclusive-excerpt-sebastian-gorkas-the-war-for-americas-soul-the-plotters-and-their-plan-to-destroy-america/</ref>
He is infamous for promoting the false idea that the fascists and Nazis were sexual repressives and adhered to a strict moral code (when in reality, the Nazis actually were bohemians and sexual perverts).
He is infamous for promoting the false idea that the fascists and Nazis were sexual repressives and adhered to a strict moral code (when in reality, the Nazis actually were bohemians and sexual perverts).