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This is the most up to date description of the crucial role that the non-Communist militia of Frank Pais played in the "War Against Batista."  Without Frank Pais there would not have been a "Fidel Castro."  This book describes in detail and with dispassionate analysis how Frank Pais supported the Castro effort and how he was betrayed, and killed.  It is a sad and only too real description of the hijacking of the resistance against Batista by Communist activists including Castro himself.</ref> In the mountains the guidance of the bandit [[Cresencio Perez]], and a few Communist [[sleepers]] who had been placed in the Sierra for some time under the direction of stalinist agent [[Fabio Grobart]] was important.  Some local [[guajiros]] in the remote Sierra Maestra region joined in to became the nucleus of the critical scouting and picketing force of [[Escopeteros]] who screened the better armed Castro main force.  The support and guidance from revolutionary groups in the cities of Santiago, [[Havana]], elsewhere in Cuba and overseas was critical. The support of the U.S. State Department, mediated by [[William Weiland]] (aka Guillermo Arturo Montenegro) was significant from the time of the Bogotazo, through the [[Bay of Pigs]].<ref>Smith, Earl E.T. 1962 (last accessed 9-29-07) The Fourth Floor: An Account of the Castro Communist Revolution Random House ASIN: B000H5CT5M</ref>

This is the most up to date description of the crucial role that the non-Communist militia of Frank Pais played in the "War Against Batista."  Without Frank Pais there would not have been a "Fidel Castro."  This book describes in detail and with dispassionate analysis how Frank Pais supported the Castro effort and how he was betrayed, and killed.  It is a sad and only too real description of the hijacking of the resistance against Batista by Communist activists including Castro himself.</ref> In the mountains the guidance of the bandit [[Cresencio Perez]], and a few Communist [[sleepers]] who had been placed in the Sierra for some time under the direction of stalinist agent [[Fabio Grobart]] was important.  Some local [[guajiros]] in the remote Sierra Maestra region joined in to became the nucleus of the critical scouting and picketing force of [[Escopeteros]] who screened the better armed Castro main force.  The support and guidance from revolutionary groups in the cities of Santiago, [[Havana]], elsewhere in Cuba and overseas was critical. The support of the U.S. State Department, mediated by [[William Weiland]] (aka Guillermo Arturo Montenegro) was significant from the time of the Bogotazo, through the [[Bay of Pigs]].<ref>Smith, Earl E.T. 1962 (last accessed 9-29-07) The Fourth Floor: An Account of the Castro Communist Revolution Random House ASIN: B000H5CT5M</ref>

By 1958, military attacks against Batista's army were having some success,<ref>Bonachea, Ramon L and Marta San Martin 1974. The Cuban insurrection 1952-1959. Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, New Jersey ISBN 0878555765</ref> and the revolution was gaining national support. Castro maintained a position of diplomatic neutrality among various revolutionary factions, which included upper and middle-class liberals, guajiros, and agricultural workers, communists and others, and hence was able to assume the position of director of the revolution. He was also largely successful in courting international support via astute and careful use of the media. Officials within the CIA and the United States government were divided over whether to support Castro. Some believed that Batista had become a liability, and that his overthrow was inevitable. Other officials feared the influence of known Communists in Castro's camp including Guevara, though Castro himself repeatedly claimed that he himself was "not a Communist".  

By 1958, military attacks against Batista's army were having some success<ref>Bonachea, Ramon L and Marta San Martin 1974. The Cuban insurrection 1952-1959. Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, New Jersey ISBN 0878555765</ref> with some news reports engineered by [[The New York Times]] with the help of reporter [[Herbert Matthews]], and the revolution was gaining national support. Castro maintained a position of diplomatic neutrality among various revolutionary factions, which included upper and middle-class liberals, guajiros, and agricultural workers, communists and others, and hence was able to assume the position of director of the revolution. He was also largely successful in courting international support via astute and careful use of the media. Officials within the CIA and the United States government were divided over whether to support Castro. Some believed that Batista had become a liability, and that his overthrow was inevitable. Other officials feared the influence of known Communists in Castro's camp including Guevara, though Castro himself repeatedly claimed that he himself was "not a Communist".  

The revolution finally succeeded in late 1958, and on January 1, 1959, Batista left the country. Castro had chosen exiled leaders Manuel Urrutia Lleó and José Miró Cardona, both anti-Communist liberals with good relations with the U.S., to head the new government. Castro himself became head of the new armed forces. However, the increasing presence of Communists in the decision-making process created an early split in the government. Castro and Urrutia both insisted publicly that they had relations with each other, but Urrutia and Miró resigned only months later, and Castro, with support from mass organizations, assumed the position of prime minister. Osvaldo Dorticós Torrado, a former Commodore of the Cienfuegos Yacht Club became president and head of state. [[Globalist]]s in the U.S. State Department sympathetic toward Marxism and influenced by the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] contributed to Castro's rise to power.<ref name="CastroGlobalists">De Varona, Frank; Newman, Alex (June 7, 2018). [https://www.thenewamerican.com/culture/history/item/29204-us-globalists-put-castro-in-power-and-kept-him-there U.S. Globalists Put Castro in Power and Kept Him There]. ''The New American''. Retrieved June 7, 2018.</ref>

The revolution finally succeeded in late 1958, and on January 1, 1959, Batista left the country. Castro had chosen exiled leaders Manuel Urrutia Lleó and José Miró Cardona, both anti-Communist liberals with good relations with the U.S., to head the new government. Castro himself became head of the new armed forces. However, the increasing presence of Communists in the decision-making process created an early split in the government. Castro and Urrutia both insisted publicly that they had relations with each other, but Urrutia and Miró resigned only months later, and Castro, with support from mass organizations, assumed the position of prime minister. Osvaldo Dorticós Torrado, a former Commodore of the Cienfuegos Yacht Club became president and head of state. [[Globalist]]s in the U.S. State Department sympathetic toward Marxism and influenced by the [[Council on Foreign Relations]] contributed to Castro's rise to power.<ref name="CastroGlobalists">De Varona, Frank; Newman, Alex (June 7, 2018). [https://www.thenewamerican.com/culture/history/item/29204-us-globalists-put-castro-in-power-and-kept-him-there U.S. Globalists Put Castro in Power and Kept Him There]. ''The New American''. Retrieved June 7, 2018.</ref>