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| | Integration and the civil rights movement caused enormous controversy in the white South, with many attacking it as a violation of states' rights. When segregation was outlawed by Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices and by the [[bi-partisan]] Civil Rights acts of 1964 and 1965, a die-hard element of Democrats resisted integration, led by Democrats [[Orval Faubus]] of Arkansas, [[Lester Maddox]] of Georgia, [[Al Gore, Sr.]] of Tennessee, [[J. William Fulbright]] of Arkansas and [[George Wallace]] of Alabama. These racists appealed to a less-educated, blue-collar electorate that on economic grounds favored [[New Deal]] [[white privilege]] and opposed desegregation. After 1965 most Southerners accepted integration, with the exception of public schools in an effort led by Sen. [[Joseph Biden]].<ref name="politico.com">https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/08/joe-biden-integration-school-busing-120968_full.html</ref> Just as the Republican, Martin Luther King had promised, integration had brought about a new day in Southern politics, freeing both blacks and whites from old hatreds and fears. | | Integration and the civil rights movement caused enormous controversy in the white South, with many attacking it as a violation of states' rights. When segregation was outlawed by Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices and by the [[bi-partisan]] Civil Rights acts of 1964 and 1965, a die-hard element of Democrats resisted integration, led by Democrats [[Orval Faubus]] of Arkansas, [[Lester Maddox]] of Georgia, [[Al Gore, Sr.]] of Tennessee, [[J. William Fulbright]] of Arkansas and [[George Wallace]] of Alabama. These racists appealed to a less-educated, blue-collar electorate that on economic grounds favored [[New Deal]] [[white privilege]] and opposed desegregation. After 1965 most Southerners accepted integration, with the exception of public schools in an effort led by Sen. [[Joseph Biden]].<ref name="politico.com">https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/08/joe-biden-integration-school-busing-120968_full.html</ref> Just as the Republican, Martin Luther King had promised, integration had brought about a new day in Southern politics, freeing both blacks and whites from old hatreds and fears. |
| | + | [[File:The Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania) 20 Sep 1987, Sun Page 79.PNG|right|250px|thumb|"we [Delawareans] were on the South’s side in the Civil War.” - Joe Biden, ''Philadelphia Inquirer'', 20 Sep 1987, Page 79.<ref>''Presidential hopeful Biden faces an image problem'', [https://www.newspapers.com/image/?clipping_id=28178299&fcfToken=eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJmcmVlLXZpZXctaWQiOjE2OTgzNDI0OCwiaWF0IjoxNjIwMDAwOTY5LCJleHAiOjE2MjAwODczNjl9.Qis6deAMX2ZszubFmWmV75o-sSIRnJfvNYg4W9pJF3A The Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania) 20 Sep 1987, Sun Page 79.]]</ref>]] |
| | + | President Johnson's [[big government]] giveaways and [[affirmative action]] programs attracted Blacks for the first time, and they began supporting Democratic candidates, producing leaders such as [[Julian Bond]] and [[John Lewis]] of Georgia, and Barbara Jordan of Texas. |
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| − | President Johnson's [[big government]] giveaways and [[affirmative action]] programs attracted Blacks for the first time, and they began supporting Democratic candidates, producing leaders such as [[Julian Bond]] and [[John Lewis]] of Georgia, and Barbara Jordan of Texas.
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| − | [[File:The Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania) 20 Sep 1987, Sun Page 79.PNG|right|250px|thumb|"we [Delawareans] were on the South’s side in the Civil War.” - Joe Biden, ''Philadelphia Inquirer'', 20 Sep 1987, Page 79.<ref>''Presidential hopeful Biden faces an image problem'', [https://www.newspapers.com/image/?clipping_id=28178299&fcfToken=eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJmcmVlLXZpZXctaWQiOjE2OTgzNDI0OCwiaWF0IjoxNjIwMDAwOTY5LCJleHAiOjE2MjAwODczNjl9.Qis6deAMX2ZszubFmWmV75o-sSIRnJfvNYg4W9pJF3A The Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania) 20 Sep 1987, Sun Page 79.]]</ref>]]
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| | Using issues of cultural conservatism, especially opposition to abortion and homosexuality and support for school prayer, Republicans attracted strong majorities among evangelical Christians. They were nationwide, but strongest in the South; before the 1980s they were largely apolitical. Exit polls in 2004 showed that Bush led Kerry by 70-30% among Southern whites, who comprised 71% of the voters. Kerry had a 90–9 lead among the 18% of Southern voters who were black. One third of the Southern voters said they were white evangelicals; they voted for Bush by 80–20%.<ref>See the exit polls at {{cite web|url=https://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/2004/pages/results/states/US/P/00/epolls.3.html |date=2004-11-02\|accessdate=|title=U.S. PRESIDENT / REGION: SOUTH / EXIT POLL}}</ref> | | Using issues of cultural conservatism, especially opposition to abortion and homosexuality and support for school prayer, Republicans attracted strong majorities among evangelical Christians. They were nationwide, but strongest in the South; before the 1980s they were largely apolitical. Exit polls in 2004 showed that Bush led Kerry by 70-30% among Southern whites, who comprised 71% of the voters. Kerry had a 90–9 lead among the 18% of Southern voters who were black. One third of the Southern voters said they were white evangelicals; they voted for Bush by 80–20%.<ref>See the exit polls at {{cite web|url=https://www.cnn.com/ELECTION/2004/pages/results/states/US/P/00/epolls.3.html |date=2004-11-02\|accessdate=|title=U.S. PRESIDENT / REGION: SOUTH / EXIT POLL}}</ref> |
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