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'''Ronald John Thompson''', known as '''Ronnie Thompson''' or ''''Machine Gun Ronnie' Thompson''' (born July 21, 1934), is a former [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]] [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] [[politician]] who was the first member of his party to have been elected [[mayor]] of [[Macon, Georgia|Macon]], his state's sixth largest city. Thompson served two controversial terms from 1967-1975. He is also a former [[gospel]] and [[Country music]] [[singer]] known for his highly [[Conservative (politics)|conservative]] views on issues.

'''Ronald John Thompson''', known as '''Ronnie Thompson''' or ''''Machine Gun Ronnie' Thompson''' (born July 21, 1934), is a former [[Georgia]] [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] [[politician]] who was the first member of his party to have been elected [[mayor]] of [[Macon, Georgia|Macon]], his state's sixth largest city. Thompson served two controversial terms from 1967-1975. He is also a former [[gospel]] and [[Country music]] [[singer]] known for his highly [[Conservative (politics)|conservative]] views on issues.

In 1972, Thompson was a [[Republican Party (United States)|GOP]] candidate for the [[United States House of Representatives]], but he was defeated by the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] [[incumbent]] [[W.S. Stuckey, Jr.]], [[scion]] of a wealthy Georgia family. In 1974, as his party's [[gubernatorial]] nominee, Thompson was trounced by Democrat [[George D. Busbee]]. A [[populist]] in political philosophy, Thompson was often at odds with his state and national moderate Republican leadership. However, during [[Watergate]] he was a staunch defender of embattled [[U.S. President]] [[Richard M. Nixon]], no particular favorite of many conservative Republicans.

In 1972, Thompson was a [[Republican Party (United States)|GOP]] candidate for the [[United States House of Representatives]], but he was defeated by the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] [[incumbent]] [[W.S. Stuckey, Jr.]], [[scion]] of a wealthy Georgia family. In 1974, as his party's [[gubernatorial]] nominee, Thompson was trounced by Democrat [[George Busbee]]. A [[populist]] in political philosophy, Thompson was often at odds with his state and national moderate Republican leadership. However, during [[Watergate]] he was a staunch defender of embattled [[U.S. President]] [[Richard M. Nixon]], no particular favorite of many conservative Republicans.

Buddy Kelly Moore (1951-1998),<ref name=ssdi>http://ssdi.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/ssdi.cgi</ref> who completed a [[master of arts]] [[thesis]] on Thompson's career in 1976 at [[Georgia College & State University]] in [[Milledgeville, Georgia|Milledgeville]], determined that the Maconite "shocked and fascinated observers with hard-line approaches to law-and-order, [[municipal]] [[organized labor|unionism]], and race relations." Moore defined Thompson's career in terms of a "predilection for the flamboyant."<ref>Buddy Kelly Moore, '''Machine Gun Ronnie' Thompson" A Political Biography'', Georgia College at Milledgeville, Master's thesis, August 1976, p. vi</ref> Unconventional [[author]] Will D. Campbell called Thompson "a harbinger of the [[New Right]]", a movement which emerged in the late [[1970s]] to help to elect Republican [[Ronald W. Reagan]] of [[California]] as [[U.S. President]].<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA191&lpg=RA1-PA191&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5ttPFo0eCj&sig=JwKBOrK4ZnE27_NX2uOT9IjfSjw&hl=en#PRA1-PA140,M1</ref>

Buddy Kelly Moore (1951-1998),<ref name=ssdi>http://ssdi.rootsweb.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/ssdi.cgi</ref> who completed a [[master of arts]] [[thesis]] on Thompson's career in 1976 at [[Georgia College & State University]] in [[Milledgeville, Georgia|Milledgeville]], determined that the Maconite "shocked and fascinated observers with hard-line approaches to law-and-order, [[municipal]] [[organized labor|unionism]], and race relations." Moore defined Thompson's career in terms of a "predilection for the flamboyant."<ref>Buddy Kelly Moore, '''Machine Gun Ronnie' Thompson" A Political Biography'', Georgia College at Milledgeville, Master's thesis, August 1976, p. vi</ref> Unconventional [[author]] Will D. Campbell called Thompson "a harbinger of the [[New Right]]", a movement which emerged in the late [[1970s]] to help to elect Republican [[Ronald W. Reagan]] of [[California]] as [[U.S. President]].<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA191&lpg=RA1-PA191&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5ttPFo0eCj&sig=JwKBOrK4ZnE27_NX2uOT9IjfSjw&hl=en#PRA1-PA140,M1</ref>

In midsummer of 1971, a racial crisis erupted when a black city employee was shot and killed by a white policeman, who a month later was cleared of [[involuntary manslaughter]].<ref>Robert Friedman, "City Votes to Pay Officer's Defense", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971, p. A1; Grant Jackson, "Mayor to Keep Beck on Duty", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971,  p. A3; Jackson, "Beck Case Dismissed by Jury", ''Macon Telegraph'', July 16, 1971, p. A1</ref> Mayor Thompson imposed a 36-hour [[curfew]] after several suspected fire bombings. He fired a [[carbine]] in the air, heard over police [[radio]], while he accompanied a police patrol.<ref>http://www.mindspring.com/~teeth/caution/macontg100years.htm</ref> He further angered [[liberal]]s by publicly discussing the "best type of bullet" to use against the criminal element. Critics called him "Machine Gun Ronnie", a [[sobriquet]] to which he did not object though he never handled a [[machine gun]]. In fact, he paid for his campaigns by selling [[memorabilia]] containing the name "Thompson" on model machine guns.<ref>http://www.rru.com/~meo/ga-folk/ga.5.html; http://www.civilrights.uga.edu/bibliographies/macon/mayor_thompson.htm</ref>

In midsummer of 1971, a racial crisis erupted when a black city employee was shot and killed by a white policeman, who a month later was cleared of [[involuntary manslaughter]].<ref>Robert Friedman, "City Votes to Pay Officer's Defense", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971, p. A1; Grant Jackson, "Mayor to Keep Beck on Duty", ''Macon Telegraph'', June 30, 1971,  p. A3; Jackson, "Beck Case Dismissed by Jury", ''Macon Telegraph'', July 16, 1971, p. A1</ref> Mayor Thompson imposed a 36-hour [[curfew]] after several suspected fire bombings. He fired a [[carbine]] in the air, heard over police [[radio]], while he accompanied a police patrol.<ref>http://www.mindspring.com/~teeth/caution/macontg100years.htm</ref> He further angered [[liberal]]s by publicly discussing the "best type of bullet" to use against the criminal element. Critics called him "Machine Gun Ronnie", a [[sobriquet]] to which he did not object though he never handled a [[machine gun]]. In fact, he paid for his campaigns by selling [[memorabilia]] containing the name "Thompson" on model machine guns.<ref>http://www.rru.com/~meo/ga-folk/ga.5.html; http://www.civilrights.uga.edu/bibliographies/macon/mayor_thompson.htm</ref>

The Reverend Julius Caesar Hope (born 1932), a Macon black minister and the president of the Georgia [[NAACP]], contended that African Americans in Macon were tired of living with unfulfilled promises for so long.<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/dvd/viewItemc/wsbn63449-1-broll/flash/6517/2;jsessionid=7157AB6843F3D68E8CA43EC2ED1A0965</ref> Hope viewed Thompson as ambivalent toward blacks: "I think Mayor Thompson was a politician of expediency. I really don't think deep down within Ronnie Thompson was a [[racist]]."<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 34-35</ref> Macon lawyer Virgil Adams, who was a teenager at the time of the Thompson administration, alleged that Thompson "damaged Macon's image. When it got dark, you (blacks) needed to be off the street. Parents wouldn't let us out of the house at night for fear of being locked up, beaten by police, or shot."<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=4qPZiyJZOkYC&pg=PA129&lpg=PA129&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5vhIr1Ngab&sig=MehwVaKHcaJ3LUWqMi9OYP0eVpc&hl=en</ref>

The Reverend Julius Caesar Hope (born 1932), a Macon black minister and the president of the Georgia [[NAACP]], contended that African Americans in Macon were tired of living with unfulfilled promises for so long.<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/dvd/viewItemc/wsbn63449-1-broll/flash/6517/2;jsessionid=7157AB6843F3D68E8CA43EC2ED1A0965</ref> Hope viewed Thompson as ambivalent toward blacks: "I think Mayor Thompson was a politician of expediency. I really don't think deep down within Ronnie Thompson was a [[racist]]."<ref>Buddy Moore, Thesis, pp. 34-35.</ref> Macon lawyer Virgil Adams, who was a teenager at the time of the Thompson administration, alleged that Thompson "damaged Macon's image. When it got dark, you (blacks) needed to be off the street. Parents wouldn't let us out of the house at night for fear of being locked up, beaten by police, or shot."<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=4qPZiyJZOkYC&pg=PA129&lpg=PA129&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5vhIr1Ngab&sig=MehwVaKHcaJ3LUWqMi9OYP0eVpc&hl=en</ref>

Thompson, however, defends his mayoral record on race relations. "Race wasn't an issue until my opponent brought it in. My administration built three new [[hospital]]s. Jet airport, firehouses, integrated the police department, had black personnel in every department. We went eight years without a tax increase or [[bond issue]]. I had a biracial committee<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/publicSearch/viewVBO/6517/0;jsessionid=8E605E31732715B994440854E6255064</ref> that met every month. Things like doctor's offices. Black patients had to go in a back door. We got it stopped. And the [[newspaper]]s had a different edition for black subscribers. My committee talked to them, and they stopped it."<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA188&lpg=RA1-PA188&dq=will+d+campbell+ronnie+thompson&source=web&ots=5ttOIp_gzf&sig=eS3tR54AnASFJxQ77eTFE77MsmM&hl=en#PRA1-PA189,M1</ref>

Thompson, however, defends his mayoral record on race relations. "Race wasn't an issue until my opponent brought it in. My administration built three new [[hospital]]s. Jet airport, firehouses, integrated the police department, had black personnel in every department. We went eight years without a tax increase or [[bond issue]]. I had a biracial committee<ref>http://crdl.usg.edu/voci/go/crdl/publicSearch/viewVBO/6517/0;jsessionid=8E605E31732715B994440854E6255064</ref> that met every month. Things like doctor's offices. Black patients had to go in a back door. We got it stopped. And the [[newspaper]]s had a different edition for black subscribers. My committee talked to them, and they stopped it."<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA188&lpg=RA1-PA188&dq=will+d+campbell+ronnie+thompson&source=web&ots=5ttOIp_gzf&sig=eS3tR54AnASFJxQ77eTFE77MsmM&hl=en#PRA1-PA189,M1</ref>

==School busing==

==School busing==

Thompson emphatically opposed school busing to achieve racial balance as affirmed in 1971 in the [[United States Supreme Court]] decision ''[[Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education]]''.<ref>https://www.oyez.org/cases/1970-1979/1970/1970_281/</ref> He blamed President Nixon for directing the machinery of the administration toward achieving school integration. He accused Nixon of having advocated "socialistic trends" in housing and welfare, of leniency toward "[[hippie]]s and revolutionaries", and with failure to end "forced busing."<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 75</ref> In Macon, a court-ordered desegregation plan in 1970 transferred many students to different schools. When Thompson's 12-year-old son, Johnny, was among those relocated, he continued to take his son to the previous school, as did other parents. He was threatened with [[contempt of court]], and despite [[boycott]]s by angry parents, the desegregation plan was implemented.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 99</ref>

Thompson emphatically opposed school busing to achieve racial balance as affirmed in 1971 in the [[United States Supreme Court]] decision ''[[Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education]]''.<ref>https://www.oyez.org/cases/1970-1979/1970/1970_281/</ref> He blamed President Nixon for directing the machinery of the administration toward achieving school integration. He accused Nixon of having advocated "socialistic trends" in housing and welfare, of leniency toward "[[hippie]]s and revolutionaries", and with failure to end "forced busing."<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run," p. 75.</ref> In Macon, a court-ordered desegregation plan in 1970 transferred many students to different schools. When Thompson's 12-year-old son, Johnny, was among those relocated, he continued to take his son to the previous school, as did other parents. He was threatened with [[contempt of court]], and despite [[boycott]]s by angry parents, the desegregation plan was implemented.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run," p. 99</ref>

Thompson went to Washington meet with Nixon, whom Thompson said "told me positively, face to face, there would be no busing to meet racial quotas. . . . " As the busing continued, Thompson remained livid with Nixon.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 75</ref> Watergate, however, prompted Thompson to defend Nixon and to attack the three national television networks for their comparable anti-Nixon coverage. In time, Thompson called on Nixon to surrender the [[White House]] tapes because Thompson expected the information to exonerate the President. Despite Nixon's resignation, Thompson said that he would always hold the former president "in the highest esteem". Thompson said that he never hesitated to take on politically impractical and unpopular causes.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', May 8, 1974, p. A3; Randall Savage, "Nixon Still Gets the Mayor's Respect", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 9, 1974, p. A3; Moore, Thesis, p. 88</ref>

Thompson went to Washington meet with Nixon, whom Thompson said "told me positively, face to face, there would be no busing to meet racial quotas. . . . " As the busing continued, Thompson remained livid with Nixon.<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run", p. 75.</ref> Watergate, however, prompted Thompson to defend Nixon and to attack the three national television networks for their comparable anti-Nixon coverage. In time, Thompson called on Nixon to surrender the [[White House]] tapes because Thompson expected the information to exonerate the President. Despite Nixon's resignation, Thompson said that he would always hold the former president "in the highest esteem". Thompson said that he never hesitated to take on politically impractical and unpopular causes.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', May 8, 1974, p. A3; Randall Savage, "Nixon Still Gets the Mayor's Respect", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 9, 1974, p. A3; Moore, Thesis, p. 88</ref>

==Rallying behind the military and the police==

==Rallying behind the military and the police==

Thompson enlisted in the [[United States Air Force]] after his high school graduation. He served in the intelligence unit during the [[Korean War]] until a [[football]] injury resulted in his discharge in 1952 and disqualified him from [[pilot]] training.<ref>Buddy Kelly, Thesis, p. 4</ref> Thompson was a strong proponent of the American troops who were assigned to block the expansion of [[communism]] in the [[Vietnam War]]. He traveled to South Vietnam and went into the [[combat]] areas. He returned to Macon with numerous hand-delivered messages from the troops for their families. The sight of the American [[flag]] inspired staunch [[patriotism|patriotic]] feeings in Thompson. "I always get a thrill when I see the flag go by or hear the ''[[Star-Spangled Banner]]'', said Thompson, who contends that his maternal family is descended from [[Francis Scott Key]].<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run?", p. 90</ref> Thompson established the label "Flag City U. S. A." for Macon, where on Poplar Street are fifty-four flagpoles which fly the emblems of each state, the U.S. flag, and the standards of the [[District of Columbia]], [[Puerto Rico]], and the [[Virgin Islands]].<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', November 14, 1975, p. A4</ref>

Thompson enlisted in the [[United States Air Force]] after his high school graduation. He served in the intelligence unit during the [[Korean War]] until a [[football]] injury resulted in his discharge in 1952 and disqualified him from [[pilot]] training.<ref>Buddy Kelly, Thesis, p. 4</ref> Thompson was a strong proponent of the American troops who were assigned to block the expansion of [[communism]] in the [[Vietnam War]]. He traveled to South Vietnam and went into the [[combat]] areas. He returned to Macon with numerous hand-delivered messages from the troops for their families. The sight of the American [[flag]] inspired staunch [[patriotism|patriotic]] feeings in Thompson. "I always get a thrill when I see the flag go by or hear the ''[[Star-Spangled Banner]]'', said Thompson, who contends that his maternal family is descended from [[Francis Scott Key]].<ref>Williams, "What Makes Ronnie Run?", p. 90</ref> Thompson established the label "Flag City U. S. A." for Macon, where on Poplar Street are fifty-four flagpoles which fly the emblems of each state, the U.S. flag, and the standards of the [[District of Columbia]], [[Puerto Rico]], and the [[Virgin Islands]].<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', November 14, 1975, p. A4.</ref>

Thompson said that he felt compelled to protect the students of Mercer University, which he had briefly attended, from subversive speakers brought to the campus. He once vowed to arrest the antiwar activist and [[actress]] [[Jane Fonda]] were she to speak at Mercer.<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA191&lpg=RA1-PA191&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5ttPFo0eCj&sig=JwKBOrK4ZnE27_NX2uOT9IjfSjw&hl=en#PRA1-PA140,M1</ref>

Thompson said that he felt compelled to protect the students of Mercer University, which he had briefly attended, from subversive speakers brought to the campus. He once vowed to arrest the antiwar activist and [[actress]] [[Jane Fonda]] were she to speak at Mercer.<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=su2g0MFHfpgC&pg=RA1-PA191&lpg=RA1-PA191&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=5ttPFo0eCj&sig=JwKBOrK4ZnE27_NX2uOT9IjfSjw&hl=en#PRA1-PA140,M1</ref>

Thompson's father originally sang in a [[quartet]] in Augusta, and Ronnie developed similar interests at a young age in part to please the senior Thompson. After he had left the Air Force, Thompson himself sang with a [[gospel]] quartet at [[Robins Air Force Base]], and by 1955, having created his own quartet, he was heard on local [[radio]] in Macon. In time, he drifted into [[Country music]] and made his first such record in 1958.<ref>Don Rountree, "Alderman Finding Success in Popular Song Field," ''Macon Telegraph'', April 19, 1964, p. A6</ref> In 1960, Thompson took over several radio and [[television]] programs for Friedman's Jewelers. His television show was broadcast in Macon, Augusta, and [[Asheville, North Carolina]]. An observer said that the telegenic Thompson "projects sincerity, with a seductive overlay of devotion, patriotism, and simple honesty. He is a pleasing public speaker, and he comes across beautifully on television."<ref>Williams, pp. 75, 96</ref>

Thompson's father originally sang in a [[quartet]] in Augusta, and Ronnie developed similar interests at a young age in part to please the senior Thompson. After he had left the Air Force, Thompson himself sang with a [[gospel]] quartet at [[Robins Air Force Base]], and by 1955, having created his own quartet, he was heard on local [[radio]] in Macon. In time, he drifted into [[Country music]] and made his first such record in 1958.<ref>Don Rountree, "Alderman Finding Success in Popular Song Field," ''Macon Telegraph'', April 19, 1964, p. A6</ref> In 1960, Thompson took over several radio and [[television]] programs for Friedman's Jewelers. His television show was broadcast in Macon, Augusta, and [[Asheville, North Carolina]]. An observer said that the telegenic Thompson "projects sincerity, with a seductive overlay of devotion, patriotism, and simple honesty. He is a pleasing public speaker, and he comes across beautifully on television."<ref>Williams, pp. 75, 96</ref>

Thompson's singing style was described as "pleasant Country-Western baritone-bass, with a hard 'r' twang."<ref>Shannon, Gospel Singer, p. 18</ref> Thompson once admitted that he wonders what might have happened had he stuck to music as a potential career and insists that "I would have been successful had I stayed in the music business."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson: Whatever Else, His Reign Was Never Dull," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', December 7, 1975, p. A8</ref>

Thompson's singing style was described as "pleasant Country-Western baritone-bass, with a hard 'r' twang."<ref>Shannon, Gospel Singer, p. 18</ref> Thompson once admitted that he wonders what might have happened had he stuck to music as a potential career and insists that "I would have been successful had I stayed in the music business."<ref>Christopher Bonner, "Thompson: Whatever Else, His Reign Was Never Dull," ''Macon Telegraph and News,'' December 7, 1975, p. A8.</ref>

Thompson was in a line of southern politicians who had been musicians: Governor and [[U.S. Senator]] [[Theodore Bilbo]] of [[Mississippi]], Governor [[W. Lee O'Daniel]] of [[Texas]], and Governor [[Jimmie Davis]] of [[Louisiana]]. Davis, immortalized for his song "You Are My Sunshine"<ref>Robert Sherill, ''Gothic Politics in the Deep South'' (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1968), p. 31</ref> once told Thompson, "If you want to have any success in politics, sing softly and carry a big [[guitar]]," a play on an old [[Theodore Roosevelt]] adage.<ref>Eric Welch, "Gospel-singing Jeweler Is 'Country' Candidate", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 26, 1967, p. A1.</ref>

Thompson was in a line of southern politicians who had been musicians: Governor and [[U.S. Senator]] [[Theodore Bilbo]] of [[Mississippi]], Governor [[W. Lee O'Daniel]] of [[Texas]], and Governor [[Jimmie Davis]] of [[Louisiana]]. Davis, immortalized for his song "You Are My Sunshine"<ref>Robert Sherill, ''Gothic Politics in the Deep South'' (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1968), p. 31</ref> once told Thompson, "If you want to have any success in politics, sing softly and carry a big [[guitar]]," a play on an old [[Theodore Roosevelt]] adage.<ref>Eric Welch, "Gospel-singing Jeweler Is 'Country' Candidate", ''Macon Telegraph'', August 26, 1967, p. A1.</ref>

In the general election, Busbee was a runaway winner, 646,777 (69.1 percent) to Thompson's 289,113 (30.9 percent). Thompson ran nearly 10 percentage points below Carter's 1970 Republican opponent, the late [[Hal Suit]], a former Atlanta-area [[broadcaster]] who had opposed [[capital punishment]]. Thompson had considered filing as a [[write-in candidate]] in the 1970 general election against both Carter and Suit, whom he considered a liberal Republican, but did not follow through. His undermining of Suit's candidacy subsequently led to hostility to Thompson within the party's largely Atlanta-centered Republican establishment.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', October 2, 1970, p. A1</ref>

In the general election, Busbee was a runaway winner, 646,777 (69.1 percent) to Thompson's 289,113 (30.9 percent). Thompson ran nearly 10 percentage points below Carter's 1970 Republican opponent, the late [[Hal Suit]], a former Atlanta-area [[broadcaster]] who had opposed [[capital punishment]]. Thompson had considered filing as a [[write-in candidate]] in the 1970 general election against both Carter and Suit, whom he considered a liberal Republican, but did not follow through. His undermining of Suit's candidacy subsequently led to hostility to Thompson within the party's largely Atlanta-centered Republican establishment.<ref>''Macon Telegraph'', October 2, 1970, p. A1</ref>

Thompson claimed that the Republican leadership which repudiated him was more concerned with control of the party apparatus than in electing a governor. The GOP hierarchy, while it could not win many elections, could still influence federal grants and appointments. Thompson said that he could "never fit into that organization" and because he was "threatening the power structure", the leadership turned on him.<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 125</ref> [[Newt Gingrich]], the future [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives]] who made his maiden but unsuccessful congressional race in 1974, supported Thompson and hailed the nominee for refusing to adhere to the wishes of the "big shots" in the party. Still, many observers thought that Thompson's intraparty conflicts made him appear unstable and unwilling to accommodate minor differences.<ref>Selby McCash, "Macon Mayor v. The "Big Shots'," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', October 27, 1974, p. C1</ref> The party schism was discussed in [[Washington, D.C.]] All state gubernatorial nominees except Thompson were invited to the [[White House]] for a meeting with new President [[Gerald R. Ford, Jr.]]<ref>Sam Hopkins, "Thompson Not Invited by Ford", ''Atlanta Constiution'', September 25, 1974, p. A8</ref>

Thompson claimed that the Republican leadership which repudiated him was more concerned with control of the party apparatus than in electing a governor. The GOP hierarchy, while it could not win many elections, could still influence federal grants and appointments. Thompson said that he could "never fit into that organization" and because he was "threatening the power structure", the leadership turned on him.<ref>Moore, Thesis, p. 125</ref> [[Newt Gingrich]], the future [[Speaker of the United States House of Representatives]] who made his maiden but unsuccessful congressional race in 1974, supported Thompson and hailed the nominee for refusing to adhere to the wishes of the "big shots" in the party. Still, many observers thought that Thompson's intraparty conflicts made him appear unstable and unwilling to accommodate minor differences.<ref>Selby McCash, "Macon Mayor v. The "Big Shots'," ''Macon Telegraph and News'', October 27, 1974, p. C1</ref> The party schism was discussed in [[Washington, D.C.]] All state gubernatorial nominees except Thompson were invited to the [[White House]] for a meeting with new President [[Gerald R. Ford, Jr.]]<ref>Sam Hopkins, "Thompson Not Invited by Ford", ''Atlanta Constitution,'' September 25, 1974, p. A8.</ref>

On election night, disgruntled Thompson supporters attacked chairman Shaw at the candidate's state headquarters in Atlanta. Shaw, who denied that he had ever undermined Thompson's candidacy and had indeed voted for him, sustained a deep gash in his forehead. Thompson said that he would "reconstruct" the GOP, vowed to tour the state to revive the party's sagging fortunes, but he never did so. Thompson did work to replace Shaw as chairman with [[Mack Mattingly]], who six years later in 1980 would win election to the U.S. Senate from Georgia in the same election in which the state voted once again for Jimmy Carter as president, rather than the national winner, Ronald Reagan.<ref>Selby McCash, "Revamp of Party Vowed by Mayor," ''Macon Telegraph'', November 6, 1974, p. A1; McCash, "Thompson Plans", p. 1; Moore, Thesis, p. 128</ref>

On election night, disgruntled Thompson supporters attacked chairman Shaw at the candidate's state headquarters in Atlanta. Shaw, who denied that he had ever undermined Thompson's candidacy and had indeed voted for him, sustained a deep gash in his forehead. Thompson said that he would "reconstruct" the GOP, vowed to tour the state to revive the party's sagging fortunes, but he never did so. Thompson did work to replace Shaw as chairman with [[Mack Mattingly]], who six years later in 1980 would win election to the U.S. Senate from Georgia in the same election in which the state voted once again for Jimmy Carter as president, rather than the national winner, Ronald Reagan.<ref>Selby McCash, "Revamp of Party Vowed by Mayor," ''Macon Telegraph,'' November 6, 1974, p. A1; McCash, "Thompson Plans," p. 1; Moore, Thesis, p. 128.</ref>

Thompson's defeat may have contributed to the loss of five Republican seats in the state legislature, as the GOP numbers fell from twenty-nine to twenty-four. In addition, the defeat of conservative Republican U.S. Representative [[Ben Blackburn]] by Democat [[Elliot Levitas]] in the Atlanta suburbs made the Georgia congressional delegate once again all-Democratic, as it had been prior to 1965.<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=FiRbQYoZtv0C&pg=PA156&lpg=PA156&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=4hgVyttuXS&sig=9s_rGFItLI_uxkmWIFy6z-uuuQA&hl=en</ref>

Thompson's defeat may have contributed to the loss of five Republican seats in the state legislature, as the GOP numbers fell from twenty-nine to twenty-four. In addition, the defeat of conservative Republican U.S. Representative [[Ben Blackburn]] by Democat [[Elliot Levitas]] in the Atlanta suburbs made the Georgia congressional delegate once again all-Democratic, as it had been prior to 1965.<ref>https://books.google.com/books?id=FiRbQYoZtv0C&pg=PA156&lpg=PA156&dq=Ronnie+Thompson+(Macon,+Georgia)+&source=web&ots=4hgVyttuXS&sig=9s_rGFItLI_uxkmWIFy6z-uuuQA&hl=en</ref>

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[[Category:Conservatives]]

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