Changes

{{QuoteBox-float|This is not a Communist revolution in any sense of the word and there are no Communists in positions of control. This is the overwhelming consensus among Cubans in the best position to know and this writer subscribes to that opinion after searching inquiries and talks with Cubans in all walks of life and with many Americans....<br><br>There seem to be very few in Cuba - and one need have no hesitation in saying this - who believe Fidel Castro is a Communist, is under Communist influence or is a dupe of communism...<br><br>There are no Reds in the Cabinet and none in high positions in the Government or army in the sense of being able to control either governmental or defense policies. The only power worth considering in Cuba is in the hands of Premier Castro, who is not only not Communist but decidedly [[anti-Communist]]. . .<br><br>Premier Castro is avoiding [[election]]s in Cuba for two reasons. He feels that his social revolution now has dynamism and vast popular consent, and he does not want to interrupt the process. Moreover, most observers would agree that Cubans today do not want elections. The reason is that elections in the past have merely meant to them the coming of corrupt politicians seeking the spoils of power. }}On December 2, 1961 Castro announced that he was forming:{{QuoteBox| a "united party of Cuba's [[Socialist]] revolution," a monolithic organization like the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Soviet Communist party]] with restricted membership....[He] acknowledged that he was a Marxist-Leninist and said that he was taking Cuba down the path to communism. He maintained that the world, too, "is on the road toward communism." . . .I am a Marxist-Leninist and will be one until the day I die".}}Castro added that by 1953, three years before his insurrection in Cuba, his political thinking "was more or less like what it is now."  Herbert L. Matthews after his days as a reporter in [[Havana]] was promoted to the Editorial Board of the ''New York Times.''

{{QuoteBox-float|This is not a Communist revolution in any sense of the word and there are no Communists in positions of control. This is the overwhelming consensus among Cubans in the best position to know and this writer subscribes to that opinion after searching inquiries and talks with Cubans in all walks of life and with many Americans....<br><br>There seem to be very few in Cuba - and one need have no hesitation in saying this - who believe Fidel Castro is a Communist, is under Communist influence or is a dupe of communism...<br><br>There are no Reds in the Cabinet and none in high positions in the Government or army in the sense of being able to control either governmental or defense policies. The only power worth considering in Cuba is in the hands of Premier Castro, who is not only not Communist but decidedly [[anti-Communist]]. . .<br><br>Premier Castro is avoiding [[election]]s in Cuba for two reasons. He feels that his social revolution now has dynamism and vast popular consent, and he does not want to interrupt the process. Moreover, most observers would agree that Cubans today do not want elections. The reason is that elections in the past have merely meant to them the coming of corrupt politicians seeking the spoils of power. }}On December 2, 1961 Castro announced that he was forming:{{QuoteBox| a "united party of Cuba's [[Socialist]] revolution," a monolithic organization like the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Soviet Communist party]] with restricted membership....[He] acknowledged that he was a Marxist-Leninist and said that he was taking Cuba down the path to communism. He maintained that the world, too, "is on the road toward communism." . . .I am a Marxist-Leninist and will be one until the day I die".}}Castro added that by 1953, three years before his insurrection in Cuba, his political thinking "was more or less like what it is now."  Herbert L. Matthews after his days as a reporter in [[Havana]] was promoted to the Editorial Board of the ''New York Times.''

===Spinnng for Carter===

===Spinning for Carter===

The New York Times attempted to spin the 1970s stagflation crisis in order to protect former President [[Jimmy Carter]]’s political image before the 1980 elections.

The New York Times attempted to spin the 1970s stagflation crisis in order to protect former President [[Jimmy Carter]]’s political image before the 1980 elections.<ref>https://www.newsbusters.org/blogs/business/joseph-vazquez/2022/06/10/flashback-nyt-tried-spin-1970s-stagflation-protect-jimmy</ref>

 

===Evil Empire===

===Evil Empire===

*When on March 8, 1983 [[Ronald Reagan]] called the Soviet Union where people were routinely sent to [[Gulag]]s an "Evil Empire",  prominent liberal intellectual Anthony Lewis of the New York Times commented two days later that the speech was "primitive...simplistic theology" and "a mirror image of crude Soviet rhetoric".  But when news of the speech reached Natan Sharansky, confined to an eight-by-ten foot cell on the Siberian border, the reaction was different: “Tapping on walls and talking through toilets, word of Reagan’s 'provocation' quickly spread throughout the prison. We dissidents were ecstatic. Finally, the leader of the free world had spoken the truth — a truth that burned inside the heart of each and every one of us.”<ref>{{cite web |author=Fr. George Rutler  

*When on March 8, 1983 [[Ronald Reagan]] called the Soviet Union where people were routinely sent to [[Gulag]]s an "Evil Empire",  prominent liberal intellectual Anthony Lewis of the New York Times commented two days later that the speech was "primitive...simplistic theology" and "a mirror image of crude Soviet rhetoric".  But when news of the speech reached Natan Sharansky, confined to an eight-by-ten foot cell on the Siberian border, the reaction was different: “Tapping on walls and talking through toilets, word of Reagan’s 'provocation' quickly spread throughout the prison. We dissidents were ecstatic. Finally, the leader of the free world had spoken the truth — a truth that burned inside the heart of each and every one of us.”<ref>{{cite web |author=Fr. George Rutler