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The number and wealth of oligarchs exploded in Ukraine in the 1990s. In 2000, 386 of the 450 deputies in parliament were founders of 3,954 businesses, controlling 25% of Ukraine's imports and 10% of its exports. The head of the SDPU(O) [[Viktor Medvedchuk]] and Fatherland Party leader [[Yuliya Tymoshenko]] (former country's prime minister)—used government contacts to gain access to lucrative energy resources. Many others have been accused of using government connections to promote a wide range of businesses and industries.

The number and wealth of oligarchs exploded in Ukraine in the 1990s. In 2000, 386 of the 450 deputies in parliament were founders of 3,954 businesses, controlling 25% of Ukraine's imports and 10% of its exports. The head of the SDPU(O) [[Viktor Medvedchuk]] and Fatherland Party leader [[Yuliya Tymoshenko]] (former country's prime minister)—used government contacts to gain access to lucrative energy resources. Many others have been accused of using government connections to promote a wide range of businesses and industries.

Partly in exchange for access to state resources, oligarchs helped to mobilize political support for Kuchma in the late 1990s and early 2000s, often drawing directly on their firms. Kuchma relied extensively on oligarch-controlled television networks and newspapers. Viktor Medvedchuk of the SDPU(O) controlled television news. Oligarchs in other industries also drew on their workforces to support Kuchma. In the 2004 election, it was widely reported that workers in auto, pipe, steel, coal, and energy plants owned by proregime oligarchs were mobilized to show up at demonstrations, vote for [[Viktor Yanukovych|Yanukovych]], and in one somewhat strange instance hold a "strike" to draw attention to the "danger" posed by opposition activity. Such mechanisms of political mobilization were especially important because of the lack of strong political parties.

Partly in exchange for access to state resources, oligarchs helped to mobilize political support for Kuchma in the late 1990s and early 2000s, often drawing directly on their firms. Kuchma relied extensively on oligarch-controlled television networks and newspapers. Viktor Medvedchuk of the SDPU(O) controlled television news. Oligarchs in other industries also drew on their workforces to support Kuchma. In the 2004 election, it was widely reported that workers in auto, pipe, steel, coal, and energy plants owned by pro-regime oligarchs were mobilized to show up at demonstrations, vote for [[Viktor Yanukovych|Yanukovych]], and in one somewhat strange instance hold a "strike" to draw attention to the "danger" posed by opposition activity. Such mechanisms of political mobilization were especially important because of the lack of strong political parties.

==Further reading==

==Further reading==