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By 1956, during the [[Three Years of Disasters]], U.S. Ambassador Joseph C. Grew commented,
 
By 1956, during the [[Three Years of Disasters]], U.S. Ambassador Joseph C. Grew commented,
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{{QuoteBox-float|The appalling figures on [[murder]]s committed by the Beijing Communist government are neither propaganda, exaggerations nor guesses. Since the Communists drove [[Chiang Kai-shek]] and the Nationalists off the mainland in 1949, official accounts in Red newspapers have listed the executions of millions of Chinese. . .<br>
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{{QuoteBox-float|The appalling figures on [[murder]]s committed by the Beijing Communist government are neither propaganda, exaggerations nor guesses. Since the Communists drove [[Chiang Kai-shek]] and the Nationalists off the mainland in 1949, official accounts in Red newspapers have listed the executions of millions of Chinese. . .<br>. . . The real total of Chinese deaths administered by Beijing probably would total a great deal more than the estimates. Few Chinese marked for death by Beijing had a chance to escape their executioners. The Communists masked their real intentions with a deceptively mild, restrained and orderly entry to power.<ref>Joseph C. Grew, ''Invasion Alert!'' (Baltimore, Maran Publishers, 1956), pp. 42-44. [http://openlibrary.org/works/OL4721833W/Invasion_alert!]</ref><ref>R.J. Rummel,  
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. . . The real total of Chinese deaths administered by Beijing probably would total a great deal more than the estimates. Few Chinese marked for death by Beijing had a chance to escape their executioners. The Communists masked their real intentions with a deceptively mild, restrained and orderly entry to power.<ref>Joseph C. Grew, ''Invasion Alert!'' (Baltimore, Maran Publishers, 1956), pp. 42-44. [http://openlibrary.org/works/OL4721833W/Invasion_alert!]</ref><ref>R.J. Rummel,  
   
[http://freedomspeace.blogspot.com/2005/11/reevaluating-chinas-democide-to-be.html Reevaluating China's Democide to be 73,000,000], November 20, 2005.</ref>}}
 
[http://freedomspeace.blogspot.com/2005/11/reevaluating-chinas-democide-to-be.html Reevaluating China's Democide to be 73,000,000], November 20, 2005.</ref>}}
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After Castro seized power, on July 16, 1959 the ''New York Times'' front page carried a story by [[Herbert L. Matthews]]:
 
After Castro seized power, on July 16, 1959 the ''New York Times'' front page carried a story by [[Herbert L. Matthews]]:
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{{QuoteBox-float|This is not a Communist revolution in any sense of the word and there are no Communists in positions of control. This is the overwhelming consensus among Cubans in the best position to know and this writer subscribes to that opinion after searching inquiries and talks with Cubans in all walks of life and with many Americans....<br><br>There seem to be very few in Cuba - and one need have no hesitation in saying this - who believe Fidel Castro is a Communist, is under Communist influence or is a dupe of communism...<br><br>There are no Reds in the Cabinet and none in high positions in the Government or army in the sense of being able to control either governmental or defense policies. The only power worth considering in Cuba is in the hands of Premier Castro, who is not only not Communist but decidedly [[anti-Communist]]. . .<br><br>Premier Castro is avoiding [[election]]s in Cuba for two reasons. He feels that his social revolution now has dynamism and vast popular consent, and he does not want to interrupt the process. Moreover, most observers would agree that Cubans today do not want elections. The reason is that elections in the past have merely meant to them the coming of corrupt politicians seeking the spoils of power. }}On December 2, 1961 Castro announced that he was forming:{{QuoteBox-float| a "united party of Cuba's [[Socialist]] revolution," a monolithic organization like the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Soviet Communist party]] with restricted membership....[He] acknowledged that he was a Marxist-Leninist and said that he was taking Cuba down the path to communism. He maintained that the world, too, "is on the road toward communism." . . .I am a Marxist-Leninist and will be one until the day I die".}}Castro added that by 1953, three years before his insurrection in Cuba, his political thinking "was more or less like what it is now."  Herbert L. Matthews after his days as a reporter in [[Havana]] was promoted to the Editorial Board of the ''New York Times.''
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{{QuoteBox-float|This is not a Communist revolution in any sense of the word and there are no Communists in positions of control. This is the overwhelming consensus among Cubans in the best position to know and this writer subscribes to that opinion after searching inquiries and talks with Cubans in all walks of life and with many Americans....<br><br>There seem to be very few in Cuba - and one need have no hesitation in saying this - who believe Fidel Castro is a Communist, is under Communist influence or is a dupe of communism...<br><br>There are no Reds in the Cabinet and none in high positions in the Government or army in the sense of being able to control either governmental or defense policies. The only power worth considering in Cuba is in the hands of Premier Castro, who is not only not Communist but decidedly [[anti-Communist]]. . .<br><br>Premier Castro is avoiding [[election]]s in Cuba for two reasons. He feels that his social revolution now has dynamism and vast popular consent, and he does not want to interrupt the process. Moreover, most observers would agree that Cubans today do not want elections. The reason is that elections in the past have merely meant to them the coming of corrupt politicians seeking the spoils of power. }}On December 2, 1961 Castro announced that he was forming:
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{{QuoteBox-float| a "united party of Cuba's [[Socialist]] revolution," a monolithic organization like the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Soviet Communist party]] with restricted membership....[He] acknowledged that he was a Marxist-Leninist and said that he was taking Cuba down the path to communism. He maintained that the world, too, "is on the road toward communism." . . .I am a Marxist-Leninist and will be one until the day I die".}}Castro added that by 1953, three years before his insurrection in Cuba, his political thinking "was more or less like what it is now."  Herbert L. Matthews after his days as a reporter in [[Havana]] was promoted to the Editorial Board of the ''New York Times.''
    
===Spinning for Carter===
 
===Spinning for Carter===
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