Changes

[[File:Karl Marx.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Karl Marx]], the creator of Marxism]]

[[File:Karl Marx.jpg|thumb|250px|[[Karl Marx]], the creator of Marxism]]

{{See also|Socialism}}

{{See also|Socialism}}

'''Marxism''' is a [[pseudoscientific]] field of [[social science|social studies]] that began as a revolutionary movement developed by [[Karl Marx]], an alleged German scholar and his activist collaborator [[Friedrich Engels]].  Marx's approach is indicated by the opening line of the [[Communist Manifesto]] (1848): "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles." Marx believed that [[capitalism]], like previous socioeconomic systems, would produce internal tensions which would lead to its destruction. Just as capitalism supposedly replaced [[feudalism]], capitalism itself will be displaced by [[communism]], a classless society which would emerge after a transitional period in which the state would be nothing else but the revolutionary dictatorship of the [[proletariat]]. Marxists are said to await "the [[revolution]]" with a religious fervor reminiscent of [[Christian]]s awaiting the [[Rapture]].

'''Marxism''', often used as a synonym for [[communism]], is a belief in government-mandated equality where everyone has less wealth than under [[free enterprise]], and where shortages are rampant.  Marxism began as a revolutionary movement developed by [[Karl Marx]], a phony German-born scholar and his activist collaborator [[Friedrich Engels]].   

 

Marx's approach is indicated by the opening line of the [[Communist Manifesto]] (1848): "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles." Marx believed that [[capitalism]], like previous socioeconomic systems, would produce internal tensions which would lead to its destruction. Just as capitalism supposedly replaced [[feudalism]], capitalism itself will be displaced by [[communism]], a classless society that would emerge after a transitional period in which the state would be nothing else but the revolutionary dictatorship of the [[proletariat]]. Marxists are said to await "the [[revolution]]" with a religious fervor reminiscent of [[Christian]]s awaiting the [[Rapture]].

Marx, when forming Marxism, also had in mind a particular event for his inspiration for the ideology:  Long enamored with the [[French Revolution]] and its excesses, he advocated in a private letter to his co-author of the movement, [[Friedrich Engels]], as well as other sources such as a leftist newspaper, that they create "revolutionary terror" and that once they are at the helm, they would be obliged to reenact Robespierre's [[Reign of Terror]] from 1793, and that once their time comes, they won't excuse their terrorism, citing they will be pitiless and thus won't expect mercy from the monarchies, with the vengeance of the people being such that it would overtake even Robespierre's Reign of Terror in terms of blood spilt.  He also fully acknowledged that they would be considered monsters as a result, but they wouldn't care less either way.

Marx, when forming Marxism, also had in mind a particular event for his inspiration for the ideology:  Long enamored with the [[French Revolution]] and its excesses, he advocated in a private letter to his co-author of the movement, [[Friedrich Engels]], as well as other sources such as a leftist newspaper, that they create "revolutionary terror" and that once they are at the helm, they would be obliged to reenact Robespierre's [[Reign of Terror]] from 1793, and that once their time comes, they won't excuse their terrorism, citing they will be pitiless and thus won't expect mercy from the monarchies, with the vengeance of the people being such that it would overtake even Robespierre's Reign of Terror in terms of blood spilt.  He also fully acknowledged that they would be considered monsters as a result, but they wouldn't care less either way.

== Ideology ==

== Ideology ==

[[File:AdornoHorkheimerHabermasbyJeremyJShapiro2.png|thumb|200px|Max Horkheimer, [[Theodor Adorno]], and Jürgen Habermas, leaders in the ''[[Frankfurt School]]''.]]

[[File:AdornoHorkheimerHabermasbyJeremyJShapiro2.png|thumb|200px|Max Horkheimer, [[Theodor Adorno]], and Jürgen Habermas, leaders in the ''[[Frankfurt School]]''.]]

A Marxist society does not allow an individual to gain wealth; instead, that wealth supposedly belongs to the people as a collective. In a 'pure' Marxist society, the state is a democratic system that manages all aspects of production—essentially making the state the head of all industry.  However, this was never realized due to power grabs by the eventual managers of the factories, as well as many practical limitations.  Marx dreamed of a society where a man could be "A farmer in the morning, a laborer in the afternoon, and a philosopher in the evening"—essentially, a world without specialization and stark divisions of labor.  Again, this tenet of his philosophy was never realized, mostly due to practical reasons.

A Marxist society does not allow an individual to gain wealth; instead, that wealth supposedly belongs to the people as a collective. In a 'pure' Marxist society, the state is a democratic system that manages all aspects of production—essentially making the state the head of all industries.  However, this was never realized due to power grabs by the eventual managers of the factories, as well as many practical limitations.  Marx dreamed of a society where a man could be "A farmer in the morning, a laborer in the afternoon, and a philosopher in the evening"—essentially, a world without specialization and stark divisions of labor.  Again, this tenet of his philosophy was never realized, mostly due to practical reasons.

Following the writings of Marx and Engels, along with other Marxists, Marxism stands in opposition to the institution of [[marriage]].<ref>Solway, David (August 23, 2018). [https://www.lifesitenews.com/opinion/karl-marx-hated-marriage-and-marxism-is-marriages-enemy Karl Marx hated marriage, and Marxism is marriage’s enemy]. ''LifeSiteNews'' (from the ''American Thinker''). Retrieved August 28, 2018.</ref>

Following the writings of Marx and Engels, along with other Marxists, Marxism stands in opposition to the institution of [[marriage]].<ref>Solway, David (August 23, 2018). [https://www.lifesitenews.com/opinion/karl-marx-hated-marriage-and-marxism-is-marriages-enemy Karl Marx hated marriage, and Marxism is marriage’s enemy]. ''LifeSiteNews'' (from the ''American Thinker''). Retrieved August 28, 2018.</ref>

Marxists also teach that historical forces are a cause of oppression, having been forced upon them without their consent, thus leading them toward the need for complete revolution to throw off these forces.  "The basic thought running through the Manifesto — that economic production, and the structure of society of every historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom, constitute the foundation for the political and intellectual history of that epoch ...... this struggle, however, has now reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it, without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from exploitation, oppression, class struggles"<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/preface.htm Preface], 1883 edition</ref>

Marxists also teach that historical forces are a cause of oppression, having been forced upon them without their consent, thus leading them toward the need for a complete revolution to throw off these forces.  "The basic thought running through the Manifesto — that economic production, and the structure of society of every historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom, constitute the foundation for the political and intellectual history of that epoch ...... this struggle, however, has now reached a stage where the exploited and oppressed class can no longer emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it, without at the same time forever freeing the whole of society from exploitation, oppression, class struggles"<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/preface.htm Preface], 1883 edition</ref>

===Cultural Marxism===

===Cultural Marxism===

[[File:Marcuse Angela Davis.png|right|300px|thumb|[[Herbert Marcuse]] with his student [[Angela Davis]].]]

[[File:Marcuse Angela Davis.png|right|300px|thumb|[[Herbert Marcuse]] with his student [[Angela Davis]].]]

:{{main|Cultural Marxism}}

:{{main|Cultural Marxism}}

Cultural Marxism is a branch of Marxist ideology formulated by the ''[[Frankfurt School]]'', which had its origins the early part of the twentieth century.  Cultural Marxism comprises much of the foundation of [[political correctness]]. It emerged as a response of [[Europe]]an Marxist intellectuals disillusioned by the early political failures of conventional economic Marxist ideology.<ref>cf. External source: [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gIdBuK7_g3M Cultural Marxism: The Corruption of America] is a James Jaeger Film with ambition to show how ''a love affair with collectivist ideologies has lead to ever bigger government and the welfare-warfare state. Led by a Marxist splinter group called the "[[Frankfurt School]]" -- "[[the long march through the institutions]]" has infiltrated every corner of [[Western culture]] to corrupt traditional Christian values with "[[political correctness]]," another name for "cultural Marxism."''</ref> While Marx's ''Communist Manifesto'' focused on the alleged class struggle between bourgeois (owners of the means of production) and proletariat (workers), Marx did address culture, which he intimated would change after his economic vision was implemented. [[Patrick Buchanan]] argues that Cultural Marxism succeeded where Marx failed.<ref>[http://cnsnews.com/blog/grant-m-dahl/buchanan-cultural-marxism-has-succeeded-where-marx-and-lenin-failed Buchanan: ‘Cultural Marxism’ Has Succeeded Where Marx and Lenin Failed], [[CNSNews]]</ref>

Cultural Marxism is a branch of Marxist ideology formulated by the ''[[Frankfurt School]]'', which had its origins the early part of the twentieth century.  Cultural Marxism comprises much of the foundation of [[political correctness]]. It emerged as a response of [[Europe]]an Marxist intellectuals disillusioned by the early political failures of conventional economic Marxist ideology.<ref>cf. External source: [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gIdBuK7_g3M Cultural Marxism: The Corruption of America] is a James Jaeger Film with an ambition to show how ''a love affair with collectivist ideologies has led to ever bigger government and the welfare-warfare state. Led by a Marxist splinter group called the "[[Frankfurt School]]" -- "[[the long march through the institutions]]" has infiltrated every corner of [[Western culture]] to corrupt traditional Christian values with "[[political correctness]]," another name for "cultural Marxism."''</ref> While Marx's ''Communist Manifesto'' focused on the alleged class struggle between the bourgeois (owners of the means of production) and the proletariat (workers), Marx did address culture, which he intimated would change after his economic vision was implemented. [[Patrick Buchanan]] argues that Cultural Marxism succeeded where Marx failed.<ref>[http://cnsnews.com/blog/grant-m-dahl/buchanan-cultural-marxism-has-succeeded-where-marx-and-lenin-failed Buchanan: ‘Cultural Marxism’ Has Succeeded Where Marx and Lenin Failed], [[CNSNews]]</ref>

The central idea of Cultural Marxism is to soften up and prepare Western Civilization for economic Marxism after a gradual, relentless, sustained attack on every institution of Western culture, including schools, literature, art, film, the Judeo-Christian religious tradition, the [[Destroying the family|family]], sexual mores, [[War on Sovereignty|national sovereignty]], etc.<ref>cf. The tendency of dictatorial ideologies to influence public institutions etc. so that these would serve their agendas is termed as [[Gleichschaltung]].</ref> The attacks are usually framed in Marxist terms as a class struggle between oppressors and oppressed; the members of the latter class allegedly include women, minorities, homosexuals, and adherents of non-Western religions such as Islam.

The central idea of Cultural Marxism is to soften up and prepare Western Civilization for economic Marxism after a gradual, relentless, sustained attack on every institution of Western culture, including schools, literature, art, film, the Judeo-Christian religious tradition, the [[Destroying the family|family]], sexual mores, [[War on Sovereignty|national sovereignty]], etc.<ref>cf. The tendency of dictatorial ideologies to influence public institutions etc. so that these would serve their agendas is termed as [[Gleichschaltung]].</ref> The attacks are usually framed in Marxist terms as a class struggle between oppressors and oppressed; the members of the latter class allegedly include women, minorities, homosexuals, and adherents of non-Western religions such as Islam.

==Communism==

==Communism==

<center>{{cquote|<big>We must be ready to employ trickery, [[deceit]], law-breaking, withholding and concealing truth. … We can and must write in a language which sows among the masses [[hate]], revulsion, and scorn toward those who disagree with us.</big>|||[[Vladimir Lenin]]}}</center>

<center>{{cquote|<big>We must be ready to employ trickery, [[deceit]], law-breaking, withholding and concealing truth. … We can and must write in a language that sows among the masses [[hate]], revulsion, and scorn toward those who disagree with us.</big>|||[[Vladimir Lenin]]}}</center>

[[Communism]], as it emerged around 1918–20, was a late political manifestation of Marxist philosophy.  Lenin in [[Russia]] and later [[Mao Tse-tung]] in [[China]] tailored Marx's ideas to fit their expedient political needs.  

[[Communism]], as it emerged around 1918–20, was a late political manifestation of Marxist philosophy.  Lenin in [[Russia]] and later [[Mao Tse-tung]] in [[China]] tailored Marx's ideas to fit their expedient political needs.  

===Soviet experience===

===Soviet experience===

According to the formal ideology of Marxism, [[private property|private ownership]] in industry is to be eliminated—control is to be wrested by the masses as a whole.  The crucial revolutionary act, therefore, would presumably be the actual taking of control in industry by the workers themselves.  In the course of the [[Bolshevik]] revolution, the workers ousted not only the owners but all the directing staff and supervisors.  The workers thought, in their own way, that the revolution was designed to rid them of all rulers and exploiters.  They recognized that the managers, as well as the owners, were among the rulers and exploiters both of the past and, above all, of the future.  The workers set about running the factories themselves.  

According to the formal ideology of Marxism, [[private property|private ownership]] in the industry is to be eliminated—control is to be wrested by the masses as a whole.  The crucial revolutionary act, therefore, would presumably be the actual taking of control of industry by the workers themselves.  In the course of the [[Bolshevik]] revolution, the workers ousted not only the owners but all the directing staff and supervisors.  The workers thought, in their own way, that the revolution was designed to rid them of all rulers and exploiters.  They recognized that the managers, as well as the owners, were among the rulers and exploiters both of the past and, above all, of the future.  The workers set about running the factories themselves.  

This state of affairs did not, however, last long.  Two issues were at stake. In the first place, the separate factories and other instruments of production were not run very well under workers' control; and there were even greater difficulties in the coordination of the efforts of various factories.  It was even harder for them to collaborate in the theory of [[economic planning]] effectively to direct entire branches of industry.  Workers' control would also mean the elimination of all privilege, or a 'classless society". The drive for class power needed to get rid of workers' control, and found justification in the inefficiency of workers' control.

This state of affairs did not, however, last long.  Two issues were at stake. In the first place, the separate factories and other instruments of production were not run very well under workers' control; and there were even greater difficulties in the coordination of the efforts of various factories.  It was even harder for them to collaborate in the theory of [[economic planning]] effectively to direct entire branches of industry.  Workers' control would also mean the elimination of all privilege, or a 'classless society". The drive for class power needed to get rid of workers' control, and found justification in the inefficiency of workers' control.

Hence workers' control was replaced by [[Lenin]], [[Trotsky]], and [[Stalin]] by the ''de facto'' managerial control in a new kind of state.  The technical direction of factory operations was turned over to "specialists", or managers, with the Factory Committees remaining in existence and still exercising substantial control through a [[veto]] power over the managers and jurisdiction over labor conditions.  Meanwhile, bureaus and commissions and individuals appointed from above by the Soviet regime were beginning to take over the job of coordinating the efforts of various factories and branches of industry.  The powers of the managers and technicians increased at the expense of "workers' control" and the Factory Committees.  The Factory Committee lost their veto powers.  Their prerogative, labor conditions, became more and more narrowly interpreted.  The Committee composition was changed to include one state representative, one managerial representative, and one man nominally representing the workers.  Finally, even these Committees lost all their real power and remained as mere formalities, to be dropped altogether in during the [[Great Purge]] of 1938.

Hence workers' control was replaced by [[Lenin]], [[Trotsky]], and [[Stalin]] by the ''de facto'' managerial control in a new kind of state.  The technical direction of factory operations was turned over to "specialists", or managers, with the Factory Committees remaining in existence and still exercising substantial control through a [[veto]] power over the managers and jurisdiction over labor conditions.  Meanwhile, bureaus and commissions and individuals appointed from above by the Soviet regime were beginning to take over the job of coordinating the efforts of various factories and branches of industry.  The powers of the managers and technicians increased at the expense of "workers' control" and the Factory Committees.  The Factory Committee lost its veto powers.  Their prerogative, labor conditions, became more and more narrowly interpreted.  The Committee composition was changed to include one state representative, one managerial representative, and one man nominally representing the workers.  Finally, even these Committees lost all their real power and remained as mere formalities, to be dropped altogether in during the [[Great Purge]] of 1938.

===Nomenklatura===

===Nomenklatura===

The freedom and end of privilege, which the oppressed thought the revolution was to bring, was giving way to a new form of class rule by the [[nomenklatura]].  At each decisive step, the "workers' socialist state" under Lenin and Stalin, backed not the workers but the managers.  A wide campaign of "education" was undertaken to show the people why "workers' rule" meant, in practice, managers' rule.  Where necessary, the education by the word was supplemented with education by [[firing squad]], [[concentration camp]] or [[slavery|forced labor]] battalion.  

The freedom and end of privilege, which the oppressed thought the revolution was to bring, was giving way to a new form of class rule by the [[nomenklatura]].  At each decisive step, the "workers' socialist state" under Lenin and Stalin, backed not the workers but the managers.  A wide campaign of "education" was undertaken to show the people why "workers' rule" meant, in practice, managers' rule.  Where necessary, the education by the word was supplemented with education by [[firing squad]], [[concentration camp]] or [[slavery|forced labor]] battalion.  

Lenin and Trotsky, both, in the early years of the revolution, wrote pamphlets and speeches arguing the case of the specialists, the technicians, the managers.  Lenin, in his forceful way, used to declare that the manager had to be a dictator in the factory.  "Workers' democracy" in the state, Lenin said in effect, was to be founded upon a managerial dictatorship in the factory.  

Lenin and Trotsky, both, in the early years of the revolution, wrote pamphlets and speeches arguing the case of the specialists, the technicians, and the managers.  Lenin, in his forceful way, used to declare that the manager had to be a dictator in the factory.  "Workers' democracy" in the state, Lenin said in effect, was to be founded upon a managerial dictatorship in the factory.  

Lenin, as the head of the state, helped to smash workers' popular, control over those instruments and to substitute for it control by the managers.  And, of course, the managers of individual plants became subordinate to the big managers, to the boards and bureaus directing entire sectors of industry and governing industry as a whole.  The managers under the new state included many who had been managers under the old "capitalist rule".  Lenin and Trotsky poured scorn on "infantile leftists" <ref>[http://www.marx2mao.com/Lenin/LWC20.html V. I. Lenin, ''"Left-Wing" Communism, An Infantile Disorder''] (1920) V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, English edition, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1952, Vol. II, Part 2.</ref> who were against making use of the "services" of the "bourgeois specialists.".  Favorable terms were given to foreign "bourgeois specialists" who were willing to come to work under the new regime.<ref>James Burnham, ''The Managerial Revolution'', Indiana University Press, Bloomingham 1966.</ref>

Lenin, as the head of the state, helped to smash workers' popular control over those instruments and to substitute for it the control by the managers.  And, of course, the managers of individual plants became subordinate to the big managers, to the boards and bureaus directing entire sectors of industry and governing industry as a whole.  The managers under the new state included many who had been managers under the old "capitalist rule".  Lenin and Trotsky poured scorn on "infantile leftists" <ref>[http://www.marx2mao.com/Lenin/LWC20.html V. I. Lenin, ''"Left-Wing" Communism, An Infantile Disorder''] (1920) V. I. Lenin, Selected Works, English edition, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1952, Vol. II, Part 2.</ref> who were against making use of the "services" of the "bourgeois specialists.".  Favorable terms were given to foreign "bourgeois specialists" who were willing to come to work under the new regime.<ref>James Burnham, ''The Managerial Revolution'', Indiana University Press, Bloomingham 1966.</ref>

The control, and the social rule which goes with it, when it leaves the hands of the capitalists, goes not to the workers, the people, but to the managers, the new ruling class.  A parallel of the Russian process can be observed with particular clarity in connection with the events in [[Loyalist]] territories during the [[Spanish Civil War]], above all in Catalonia.  There, just as in Russia, the workers and peasants began taking over direct control of the factories and railroads and firms.  There too, not at once, but during the course of the first two years of the Civil War, the ''de facto'' power slipped from the workers' hands, sometimes voluntarily given up at the persuasion of a political party, sometimes smashed by arms and prison.  It was not the troops of [[Franco]] who took control away from the people of Catalonia; they had lost control well before Franco's army conquered.

The control, and the social rule that goes with it, when it leaves the hands of the capitalists, goes not to the workers, the people, but to the managers, the new ruling class.  A parallel of the Russian process can be observed with particular clarity in connection with the events in [[Loyalist]] territories during the [[Spanish Civil War]], above all in Catalonia.  There, just as in Russia, the workers and peasants began taking over direct control of the factories and railroads and firms.  There too, not at once, but during the course of the first two years of the Civil War, the ''de facto'' power slipped from the workers' hands, sometimes voluntarily given up at the persuasion of a political party, sometimes smashed by arms and prison.  It was not the troops of [[Franco]] who took control away from the people of Catalonia; they had lost control well before Franco's army conquered.

==Current Marxist states==

==Current Marxist states==

===Related Quotes from Others===

===Related Quotes from Others===

* "[[Socialist]]s ignore the side of man that is of the spirit.  They can provide shelter, fill your belly with bacon and beans, treat you when you are ill, all the things that are guaranteed to a prisoner or a slave.  They don't understand that we dream - yes, even of some time owning a yacht."<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9ut8fnmwVkwC&pg=PA91#v=onepage&q&f=false|last1=Skinner|first1=Kiron K.|last2=Anderson|first2=Annelise A.|title=Stories in His Own Hand: The Everyday Wisdom of Ronald Reagan ; Edited with an Introduction and Commentary by Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, Martin Anderson ; Foreword by George P. Shultz|date=2001|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=9781416584506}}</ref> -- [[President]] [[Ronald Reagan]]

* "[[Socialist]]s ignore the side of man that is of the spirit.  They can provide shelter, fill your belly with bacon and beans, treat you when you are ill, all the things that are guaranteed to a prisoner or a slave.  They don't understand that we dream - yes, even of some time owning a yacht."<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9ut8fnmwVkwC&pg=PA91#v=onepage&q&f=false|last1=Skinner|first1=Kiron K.|last2=Anderson|first2=Annelise A.|title=Stories in His Own Hand: The Everyday Wisdom of Ronald Reagan; Edited with an Introduction and Commentary by Kiron K. Skinner, Annelise Anderson, Martin Anderson; Foreword by George P. Shultz|date=2001|publisher=Simon and Schuster|isbn=9781416584506}}</ref> -- [[President]] [[Ronald Reagan]]

* "Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the gospel of envy, its inherent virtue is the [[income redistribution|equal sharing]] of misery." -- [[Winston Churchill]]

* "Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the gospel of envy, its inherent virtue is the [[income redistribution|equal sharing]] of misery." -- [[Winston Churchill]]