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→Known security/loyalty risks - Philip Jessup
| publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office
| publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office
| id = ISBN 0-87968-308-2}})</ref>
| id = ISBN 0-87968-308-2}})</ref>
* [[Philip Jessup]], U.S. State Department, Assistant Director for the Naval School of Military Government and Administration at Columbia University in New York, Delegate to the U.N. in a number of different capacities, Ambassador-at-large, and Chairman of the Institute of Pacific Relations Research Advisory Committee; McCarthy's Case #15;<ref>
McCarthy's first comments regarding Jessup were made during the [[Tydings Committee]] hearings where McCarthy stated that Jessup had an unusual affinity for Communist causes. McCarthy was never allowed by the Tydings Committee to outline his case regarding Jessup but the committee did allow Jessup to fly in from Pakistan and give his defense against charges that McCarthy had not yet even made. Needless to say, the Tydings Committee cleared Jessup as they did with everyone that appeared before them. However, in two speeches on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy gave his evidence regarding Jessup's "unusual affinity for Communist causes". They are as follows:<br>
(1) That Jessup had been affiliated with five Communist front groups;
(2) That Jessup had been a leading light in the [[Institute of Pacific Relations]] (IPR) at a time that organization was reflecting the Communist Party line;
(3) And that he had "pioneered the smear campaign against Nationalist China and Chiang Kai-shek" and propagated the "myth of the 'democratic Chinese Communist'" through the IPR magazine, ''Far Eastern Survey'', over which he had "absolute control";
(4) That Jessup had associated with known Communists in the IPR;
(5) That the IPR's American Council under Jessup's guidance had received more than $7,000 of Communist funds from [[Frederick Vanderbilt Field]];
(6) That Jessup had "expressed vigorous opposition" to attempts to investigate Communist penetration of the IPR;
(7) That Jessup had urged that United States atom bomb production be brought to a halt in 1946, and that essential atomic ingredients be "dumped into the ocean";
(8) That Jessup had appeared as a character witness for Alger Hiss, and that later, after Hiss's conviction, Jessup had found "no reason whatever to change his opinion about Hiss's veracity, loyalty and integrity."
While it may be questionable that Jessup pioneered the smear campaign against Chiang Kai-Shek, it's clear that he aided in it. There's no doubt that every single one of these allegations was essentially correct. Solid evidence shows that Jessup was associated with four Communist front organizations. They are as follows:
the [[American Russian Institute]], the [[National Emergency Conference]] (and its successor, the [[National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights]]), the [[American Law Students Association]], and the [[American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations]]. According to the House Committee on Un-American Activities each of these organizations was cited as Communist front groups at the time of Jessup's association with them. Although the Tydings Committee did not allow McCarthy to present his evidence against Jessup, the Tydings Committee did refer to some of McCarthy's evidence that were made on the floor of the Senate. Of course, as usual, the Tydings Committee either ignored the significance of the evidence or downplayed it. It was up to the [[United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security|McCarran Committee]] a year later to do the real investigating and in discussing the IPR, it stated, "The IPR was a vehicle used by Communists to orientate American Far Eastern policy toward Communist objectives." The McCarran Committee Hearings clearly indicate that the IPR was more than just a Communist front organization in that there was an active Communist "cell" that put the services of the IPR at the disposal of "Communist imperialism". And that this was achieved by "manipulating" the IPR's policy-making officials.<br>
The McCarran Committee reported that ten of the thirty-three individuals whom Jessup recommended as delegates to the IPR Hot Springs Convention in January of 1945 have been named as members of the Communist Party. Jessup was well aware that Frederick Vanderbilt Field was a member of the Communist Party, and especially so when Field resigned from the IPR to devote full time to the Communist front organization, [[American Peace Mobilization]].<br>
Jessup also presided over the State Department Policy Conference of October 1949 that was not only stocked with Jessup's pro-Communist associates but also, in the words of the McCarran Committee, which stated, "...the prevailing [majority] view at the conference advocated (a) the recognition of Communist China; (b) normal trade relations between the United States and Communist China; (c) encouragement of trade between Japan and Communist China; (d) economic assistance to Communist China; (e) recognition that Communist conquest in Asia was a natural and inevitable consequence of revolutionary ferment in Asia with its Communist nature being incidental." Both [[Harold Stassen]] and [[General Joseph Fortier]] have testified that Jessup not only ignored advice to disregard the pro-Communist direction of the conference but also that Jessup was in favor of recognizing Communist China. The above evidence clearly demonstrates that Jessup was a security risk and that the State Department Loyalty program failed to identify him as such.
({{cite book
| last = Buckley, Jr., William F. and Bozell, L. Brent
| year = 1954, 1995 Printing
| title = McCarthy & His Enemies, The Record And It's Meaning
| publisher = Regnery Publishing Inc.
| id = ISBN 0-89526-472-2}}
{{cite book
| last = Tydings Committee Hearings
| year = 1950
| title = Pages 28, 41, 42, 100, 229, 247, 256, 257, 273, 497-498, etc.
| publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office}}
{{cite book
| last = Congressional Record,
| year = March 30, 1950
| title = Pages 4402-4405
| publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office}}
{{cite book
| last = Congressional Record,
| year = June 2, 1950
| title = Pages 8000-8003
| publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office}}
{{cite book
| last = McCarran Report,
| year = July 1952
| title = Pages 100-103, 122-123, 147-148, 212, 225, 494-495, etc.
| publisher = U. S. Government Printing Office}})</ref>
* [[Leon Hirsch Keyserling]], President [[Harry Truman]]'s Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers;<ref>
* [[Leon Hirsch Keyserling]], President [[Harry Truman]]'s Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers;<ref>
Keyserling had an extensive background of service in the U.S. government. He had helped to shift the emphasis of U.S. economic policy toward a more [[Socialist]]ic structure. Evidence in the form of sworn testimony submitted to the [[United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security|McCarran Committee]] indicated that he agreed with the principles of the Communist Party except for the idea that Communization of the U.S. could only be achieved through "bloody revolution" and he was against the idea of a separate political entity for Black people in the U.S. South. Other than those two details, Keyserling, a major official in the U.S. government, agreed with the Communization of the U.S. Less than a year after Senator McCarthy made this information public, Keyserling left U.S. government work for the private sector yet continued to act as a paid consultant to the U.S. Congress.
Keyserling had an extensive background of service in the U.S. government. He had helped to shift the emphasis of U.S. economic policy toward a more [[Socialist]]ic structure. Evidence in the form of sworn testimony submitted to the [[United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security|McCarran Committee]] indicated that he agreed with the principles of the Communist Party except for the idea that Communization of the U.S. could only be achieved through "bloody revolution" and he was against the idea of a separate political entity for Black people in the U.S. South. Other than those two details, Keyserling, a major official in the U.S. government, agreed with the Communization of the U.S. Less than a year after Senator McCarthy made this information public, Keyserling left U.S. government work for the private sector yet continued to act as a paid consultant to the U.S. Congress.