Changes

[[Missouri]] is also sometimes considered a southern state.<ref>[http://officialcitysites.org/us/states/missouri/ Missouri]. ''officialcitysites.org''. Retrieved September 10, 2016.</ref>  

[[Missouri]] is also sometimes considered a southern state.<ref>[http://officialcitysites.org/us/states/missouri/ Missouri]. ''officialcitysites.org''. Retrieved September 10, 2016.</ref>  

The '''Deep South''' consists of the states most "southern" ''in culture'':  South Carolina, Mississippi, Alabama, and parts of Georgia and Louisiana.  The South is closely related to the [[Bible Belt]] and the [[Sun Belt]].

The '''Deep South''' consists of the states most "southern" ''in culture'':  South Carolina, Mississippi, Alabama, and parts of Georgia and Louisiana.  The South is closely related to the [[Bible Belt]] and the [[Sun Belt]]. Several states in the South (e.g., Texas, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina) continue to ban [[sports gambling]] as of 2025.

==History==

==History==

The '''Ante-Bellum South''' comprised the slave states before the American Civil War started in 1861; all the northern states had abolished slavery.  The social history is considered in terms of large plantations with more than 20 slaves that grew cotton and other crops for export, and the "plain folk", who owned few or no slaves.  

The '''Antebellum South''' comprised the slave states before the [[American Civil War]] started in 1861; all the northern states had abolished slavery.  The social history is considered in terms of large plantations with more than 20 slaves that grew cotton and other crops for export, and the "plain folk", who owned few or no slaves.  

===18th century===

===18th century===

===Plantation System===

===Plantation System===

The ante-bellum economy was dominated by plantations owned by rich white families and using slave labor. Historians define a plantation as having 20 or more slaves (of all ages). Cotton was the main crop in a broad swath (called the "Black Belt") that included most of the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas. Other plantations grew tobacco (in Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina and Kentucky), hemp (Kentucky and Missouri), rice (South Carolina) or sugar (Louisiana). Most slaves were owned by plantations, and slave culture has been extensively studied. The great majority of whites did NOT live on plantations, and farmed on a smaller scale or on a subsistence scale.  The plantation South had few large cities; the most notable were Charleston, SC, and Natchez, Mississippi.  In general the plantation owners invested all their profits in new lands and new slaves.  

The antebellum economy was dominated by plantations owned by rich white families and using slave labor. Historians define a plantation as having 20 or more slaves (of all ages). Cotton was the main crop in a broad swath (called the "Black Belt") that included most of the Carolinas, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas. Other plantations grew tobacco (in Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina and Kentucky), hemp (Kentucky and Missouri), rice (South Carolina) or sugar (Louisiana). Most slaves were owned by plantations, and slave culture has been extensively studied. The great majority of whites did NOT live on plantations, and farmed on a smaller scale or a subsistence scale.  The plantation South had few large cities; the most notable were Charleston, SC, and Natchez, Mississippi.  In general, the plantation owners invested all their profits in new lands and new slaves.  

The system survived the Civil War, as the emanciapted Freedmen continued to work on plantation land, as hired hands, tenents or sharecroppers. Aiken (1998) notes the plantation after 1865 had scattered sharecropper huts (compared to concentrated location before). There were few towns so plantation owners provided a crossroads central place that provided a "furnish" store (to advance tenants seed, tools, food staples, against their share of the harvest) and other town-like services.  The blacks set up their own Baptist and Methodist churches; the preachers became both religious and political leaders.

The system survived the Civil War, as the emancipated Freedmen continued to work on plantation land, as hired hands, tenants or sharecroppers. Aiken (1998) notes that the plantation after 1865 had scattered sharecropper huts (compared to concentrated locations before). There were few towns so plantation owners provided a crossroads central place that provided a "furnish" store (to advance tenants' seed, tools, food staples, against their share of the harvest) and other town-like services.  The blacks set up their own Baptist and Methodist churches; the preachers became both religious and political leaders.

The system of cotton plantations collapsed in the 1940s as cotton picking machines drastically reduced the need for labor.<ref>See Virts (2006); Aiken (1998) notes plantations never entirely disappeared.</ref>

The system of cotton plantations collapsed in the 1940s as cotton-picking machines drastically reduced the need for labor.<ref>See Virts (2006); Aiken (1998) notes plantations never entirely disappeared.</ref>

==Plantation Historiography==

==Plantation Historiography==

[[File:Cotton1820-60.jpg|thumb|380px]]

[[File:Cotton1820-60.jpg|thumb|380px]]

Anderson (2005) shows that after the Civil War a wave of nostalgia created an image of the plantation South that endured for a century, most notably typified in the novel and movie, "[[Gone with the Wind]]" (1936, 1939).  Memoirs and fiction by former white plantation residents indicate "that nostalgia occurs most forcibly after a profound split in remembered events and experiences." These literary strategies "reveal a potent change in elite white southern consciousness after the Civil War." By 1900, plantation reminiscences that described the Old South as a place of wealth, self-sufficiency, honor, hospitality, and happy master-slave relationships had gained regional, national, and international popularity. The nostalgic memories of Southerners helped them triumph over defeat and create a sense of continuity with the splintered past.

Anderson (2005) shows that after the [[American Civil War]] a wave of nostalgia created an image of the plantation South that endured for a century, most notably typified in the novel and movie, "[[Gone with the Wind]]" (1936, 1939).  Memoirs and fiction by former white plantation residents indicate "that nostalgia occurs most forcibly after a profound split in remembered events and experiences." These literary strategies "reveal a potent change in elite white southern consciousness after the Civil War." By 1900, plantation reminiscences that described the Old South as a place of wealth, self-sufficiency, honor, hospitality, and happy master-slave relationships had gained regional, national, and international popularity. The nostalgic memories of Southerners helped them triumph over defeat and create a sense of continuity with the splintered past.

Serious scholarship began in 1900 with [[Ulrich B. Phillips]]. He studied slavery not so much as a political issue between North and South but as a social and economic system. He focused on the large plantations that dominated the South.  

Serious scholarship began in 1900 with [[Ulrich B. Phillips]]. He studied slavery not so much as a political issue between North and South but as a social and economic system. He focused on the large plantations that dominated the South.  

Phillips's addressed the unprofitability of slave labor and slavery's ill effects on the southern economy.  Phillips systematically hunted down and opened plantation and other southern manuscript sources. An example of pioneering comparative work was "A Jamaica Slave Plantation" (1914). His methods inspired the "Phillips school" of slavery studies between 1900 and 1950.   

Phillips addressed the unprofitability of slave labor and slavery's ill effects on the southern economy.  Phillips systematically hunted down and opened plantation and other southern manuscript sources. An example of pioneering comparative work was "A Jamaica Slave Plantation" (1914). His methods inspired the "Phillips school" of slavery studies between 1900 and 1950.   

Phillips argued that large-scale plantation slavery was inefficient and not progressive. It had reached its geographical limits by 1860 or so, and therefore eventually had to fade away (as happened in Brazil). In 1910, he argued in "The Decadence of the Plantation System" that slavery was an unprofitable relic that persisted because it produced social status, honor, and political power (that is, [[Slave Power]]).  

Phillips argued that large-scale plantation slavery was inefficient and not progressive. It had reached its geographical limits by 1860 or so, and therefore eventually had to fade away (as happened in Brazil). In 1910, he argued in "The Decadence of the Plantation System" that slavery was an unprofitable relic that persisted because it produced social status, honor, and political power (that is, [[Slave Power]]).  

Phillips contended that masters treated slaves relatively well and his views were rejected most sharply by neoabolitionist historian Kenneth M. Stampp in the 1950s. However, Marxist historian Eugene Genovese revived many of Phillips' ideas in the 1960s.  Phillips' economic conclusions about the decline of slavery were challenged by [[Robert Fogel]] in the 1960s, who argued that slavery was both efficient and profitable as long as the price of cotton was high enough. In turn Fogel came under attack.

Phillips contended that masters treated slaves relatively well, and his views were rejected most sharply by neoabolitionist historian Kenneth M. Stampp in the 1950s. However, Marxist historian Eugene Genovese revived many of Phillips' ideas in the 1960s.  Phillips' economic conclusions about the decline of slavery were challenged by [[Robert Fogel]] in the 1960s, who argued that slavery was both efficient and profitable as long as the price of cotton was high enough. In turn, Fogel came under attack.

==Plain folk of the South==

==Plain folk of the South==

The '''Plain Folk of the Old South''', often called [[yeomen]],  were the middling white Southerners before 1860 who owned few slaves or none.  The term has been extended to include the poor and middling whites in the South into the early 20th century.  Historians have long debated the social, economic and political roles.  Terms used by scholars include "common people", "yeomen" and "Crackers."  The term favored in [[Jeffersonian Democracy]] and [[Jacksonian Democracy]] was "yeoman", which emphasized an independent political spirit and economic self-reliance.  

The '''Plain Folk of the Old South''', often called [[yeomen]],  were the middling white Southerners before 1860 who owned few slaves or none.  The term has been extended to include the poor and middling whites in the South into the early 20th century.  Historians have long debated the social, economic and political roles.  Terms used by scholars include "common people", "yeomen" and "Crackers."  The term favored in [[Jeffersonian Democracy]] and [[Jacksonian Democracy]] was "yeoman", which emphasized an independent political spirit and economic self-reliance.  

   

   

From the travel accounts of [[Frederick Law Olmsted]] in the 1850s through the early-twentieth century interpretations of historians William E. Dodd and [[Ulrich B. Phillips]], common southerners were portrayed as minor players in the antebellum period.  

From the travel accounts of [[Frederick Law Olmsted]] in the 1850s through the early-twentieth-century interpretations of historians William E. Dodd and [[Ulrich B. Phillips]], common southerners were portrayed as minor players in the antebellum period.  

Romantic portrayals, especially [[Margaret Mitchell]]'s ''Gone with the Wind'' (1937) and its 1939 film ignored them. Novelist [[Erskine Caldwell]]'s ''Tobacco Road,'' portrayed the degraded condition of whites dwelling beyond the great plantations.

Romantic portrayals, especially [[Margaret Mitchell]]'s ''Gone with the Wind'' (1937) and its 1939 film ignored them. Novelist [[Erskine Caldwell]]'s ''Tobacco Road,'' portrayed the degraded condition of whites dwelling beyond the great plantations.

=== Owsley as historian of Plain Folk===

=== Owsley as historian of Plain Folk===

The major challenge came from historian [[Frank Owsley]] in ''Plain Folk of the Old South'' (1949). It ignited a long historiographical debate. Owsley started with the writings of Daniel R. Hundley who in 1860 had defined the southern middle class as "farmers, planters, traders, storekeepers, artisans, mechanics, a few manufacturers, a goodly number of country school teachers, and a host of half-fledged country lawyers, doctors, parsons, and the like."  To find these people Owsley turned to the name-by-name files on the manuscript federal census.  Owsley's ''Plain Folk of the Old South,'' says Vernon Burton, is, ''one of the most influential works on southern history ever written.''  Using their own newly invented codes they turned into data bases the manuscript federal census returns, tax and trial records, and local government documents and wills. ''Plain Folk'' argued that southern society was not dominated by planter aristocrats, but that yeoman farmers played a significant role in it. The religion, language, and culture of these common people created a democratic "plain folk" society. Critics say he overemphasized the size of the southern landholding middle class while excluding the large class of poor landless and slaveless white southerners.<ref>Hyde (2005)</ref> Owsley assumed that shared economic interests united southern farmers without considering the vast difference inherent in the planters' commercial agriculture versus the yeomen's subsistence life style.

The major challenge came from historian [[Frank Owsley]] in ''Plain Folk of the Old South'' (1949). It ignited a long historiographical debate. Owsley started with the writings of Daniel R. Hundley who in 1860 had defined the southern middle class as "farmers, planters, traders, storekeepers, artisans, mechanics, a few manufacturers, a goodly number of country school teachers, and a host of half-fledged country lawyers, doctors, parsons, and the like."  To find these people Owsley turned to the name-by-name files on the manuscript federal census.  Owsley's ''Plain Folk of the Old South,'' says Vernon Burton, is, ''one of the most influential works on southern history ever written.''  Using their own newly invented codes, they turned into databases the manuscript federal census returns, tax and trial records, and local government documents and wills. ''Plain Folk'' argued that southern society was not dominated by planter aristocrats, but that yeoman farmers played a significant role in it. The religion, language, and culture of these common people created a democratic "plain folk" society. Critics say he overemphasized the size of the southern landholding middle class while excluding the large class of poor landless and slaveless white southerners.<ref>Hyde (2005)</ref> Owsley assumed that shared economic interests united southern farmers without considering the vast difference inherent in the planters' commercial agriculture versus the yeomen's subsistence lifestyle.

=== Recent scholarship: Burton and others ===

=== Recent scholarship: Burton and others ===

In his study of Edgefield County, South Carolina, Orville Vernon Burton classified white society into the poor, the yeoman middle class, and the elite.<ref>Burton (1985)</ref> A clear line demarcated the elite, but according to Burton, the line between poor and yeoman was never very distinct. Stephanie McCurry argues, yeomen were clearly distinguished from poor whites by their ownership of land (real property). Yeomen were "self-working farmers," distinct from the elite because they worked their land themselves alongside any slaves they owned. Ownership of large numbers of slaves made the work of planters completely managerial.

In his study of Edgefield County, South Carolina, Orville Vernon Burton classified white society into the poor, the yeoman middle class, and the elite.<ref>Burton (1985)</ref> A clear line demarcated the elite, but according to Burton, the line between poor and yeoman was never very distinct. Stephanie McCurry argues, yeomen were clearly distinguished from poor whites by their ownership of land (real property). Yeomen were "self-working farmers," distinct from the elite because they worked their land themselves alongside any slaves they owned. Ownership of large numbers of slaves made the work of planters completely managerial.

Wetherington (2005) argues the plain folk (of Georgia) supported secession to defend their families, homes, and notions of white liberty. During the war the established patriarchy continued to control the home front and kept it functioning even though growing numbers of plain folk joined the new wartime poor.

Wetherington (2005) argues that the plain folk (of Georgia) supported secession to defend their families, homes, and notions of white liberty. During the war, the established patriarchy continued to control the home front and kept it functioning even though growing numbers of plain folk joined the new wartime poor.

Wetherington suggests that their localism and racism dovetailed with a [[republicanism|republican ideology]] founded on Jeffersonian notions of an "economically independent yeomanry sharing common interests" (p.&nbsp;12). Plain folk during the war raised subsistence crops and vegetables, and relied on a free and open range to hunt hogs. Before the war they became more active in the cotton and slave markets, but plain folk remained unwilling to jeopardize their self-sufficiency and the stability of their neighborhoods for the economic interests of planters.

Wetherington suggests that their localism and racism dovetailed with a [[republicanism|republican ideology]] founded on Jeffersonian notions of an "economically independent yeomanry sharing common interests" (p.&nbsp;12). Plain folk during the war raised subsistence crops and vegetables, and relied on a free and open range to hunt hogs. Before the war they became more active in the cotton and slave markets, but plain folk remained unwilling to jeopardize their self-sufficiency and the stability of their neighborhoods for the economic interests of planters.

of female patriots. (p.&nbsp;145). By March 1862, the piney woods region had a 60 percent enlistment rate, comparable to that found in planter areas.  

of female patriots. (p.&nbsp;145). By March 1862, the piney woods region had a 60 percent enlistment rate, comparable to that found in planter areas.  

As the war dragged on, hardship became a way of life; Wetherington reports that enough men remained home to preserve the paternalistic social order, yet there were too few to prevent mounting deprivation. Wartime shortages increased the economic divide between planters and yeoman farmers; nevertheless, some planters took seriously their paternalistic obligations by selling their corn to plain folks at the official Confederate rate "out of a spirit of patriotism." (p.&nbsp;171). Wetherington's argument weakens other scholars' suggestions that [[class conflict]] led to Confederate defeat.  More damaging to Confederate nationalism was the localism that grew as areas had to fend for themselves as Sherman's forces came nearer. During [[Reconstruction]], plain folk viewed freedmen as the greatest affront and humiliating symbol of Yankee victory, so they turned their hatred against [[Carpetbaggers]] (Republicans from the North) and refused to tolerate [[Scalawags]] (white Republicans from the South).

As the war dragged on, hardship became a way of life; Wetherington reports that enough men remained home to preserve the paternalistic social order, yet there were too few to prevent mounting deprivation. Wartime shortages increased the economic divide between planters and yeoman farmers; nevertheless, some planters took seriously their paternalistic obligations by selling their corn to plain folks at the official Confederate rate "out of a spirit of patriotism." (p. 171). Wetherington's argument weakens other scholars' suggestions that [[class conflict]] led to the Confederate defeat.  More damaging to Confederate nationalism was the localism that grew as areas had to fend for themselves as Sherman's forces came nearer. During [[Reconstruction]], plain folk viewed freedmen as the greatest affront and humiliating symbol of Yankee victory, so they turned their hatred against [[Carpetbaggers]] (Republicans from the North) and refused to tolerate [[Scalawags]] (white Republicans from the South).

==Civil War and Reconstruction==

==Civil War and Reconstruction==

The story of "[[Gone with the Wind]]" (1936 novel, 1939 film) is intensely anti-war, showing how rebel hot-heads (repeatedly ridiculed by Rhett Butler) take the highly prosperous South into a needless war and destroy their whole way of life.   

The story of "[[Gone with the Wind]]" (1936 novel, 1939 film) is intensely anti-war, showing how rebel hot-heads (repeatedly ridiculed by Rhett Butler) take the highly prosperous South into a needless war and destroy their whole way of life.   

None of the characters is profoundly changed by the war, except for Scarlett O'Hara.  She moves from the frivolous lover of leisure to a Yankee-like shred, hard-driving business leader. It takes a very hard-headed Scarlett to whip the underperforming traditionalistic menfolk into shape to deal with the modern postwar economy.<ref>Scarlett's transformation is exactly what they Yankees had planned for the Southern white men during Reconstruction. See C. Vann Woodward, "The Southern Ethic in a Puritan World," ''William and Mary Quarterly,'' Vol. 25, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 344-370 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1921772 in JSTOR]</ref>  Rhett, although Southern-born is a war profiteer who is hated by the men because he resembles a mercenary money-grubbing Yankee. Only prostitutes like him. At first Scarlett finds the war merely tiresome as the foolish young men rush out to get killed, spoiling her parties. Scarlett only loves Ashley; she can't have him so she marries a series of men for the money to save Tara, her home. That motivation marks her transformation. As the first female capitalist of the New South, she resists Rhett's overtures even after marriage showing her choice of money and power over sex and romantic love. In Shakespearian terms, she is a shrew who will not be tamed.

None of the characters is profoundly changed by the war, except for Scarlett O'Hara.  She moves from the frivolous lover of leisure to a hard-driving leader. It takes a very hard-headed Scarlett to whip the underperforming traditionalistic menfolk into shape to deal with the modern postwar economy.<ref>Scarlett's transformation is exactly what the Yankees had planned for the Southern white men during Reconstruction. See C. Vann Woodward, "The Southern Ethic in a Puritan World," ''William and Mary Quarterly,'' Vol. 25, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 344-370 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1921772 in JSTOR]</ref>  Rhett, although Southern-born is a war profiteer who is hated by the men because he resembles a mercenary money-grubbing Yankee. Only prostitutes like him. At first, Scarlett finds the war merely tiresome as the foolish young men rush out to get killed, spoiling her parties. Scarlett only loves Ashley; she can't have him so she marries a series of men for the money to save Tara, her home. That motivation marks her transformation. As the first female capitalist of the New South, she resists Rhett's overtures even after marriage, showing her choice of money and power over sex and romantic love. In Shakespearian terms, she is a shrew who will not be tamed.

[[Image:Artoon.jpg|left|200px|thumb|A political cartoon depicting the KKK and the Democrat Party as continuations of the Confederacy]]

[[Image:Artoon.jpg|left|200px|thumb|A political cartoon depicting the KKK and the Democrat Party as continuations of the Confederacy]]

Across the South Republican parties were formed by African Americans. Black people were the original Republicans in the South.  

Across the South, Republican parties were formed by African Americans. Black people were the original Republicans in the South.  

The Republican Party in [[Texas]] was founded on the 4th of July 1867 in [[Houston, Texas]] by 150 African Americans and 20 whites.  Two of the first three statewide Republican chairman were African American.  The first 42 Black legislators elected in Texas were all Republican.  

The Republican Party in [[Texas]] was founded on the 4th of July 1867 in [[Houston, Texas]] by 150 African Americans and 20 whites.  Two of the first three statewide Republican chairmen were African American.  The first 42 Black legislators elected in Texas were all Republican.  

The first 112 Black legislators elected in [[Mississippi]] were all Republican. The first 190 Black legislators elected in [[South Carolina]] were all Republicans. The first 41 Black legislators in [[Georgia]] were Republicans.  The first 127 Black legislators in [[Louisiana]] were Republicans.

The first 112 Black legislators elected in [[Mississippi]] were all Republican. The first 190 Black legislators elected in [[South Carolina]] were all Republicans. The first 41 Black legislators in [[Georgia]] were Republicans.  The first 127 Black legislators in [[Louisiana]] were Republicans.

Republicans stripped [[white]] [[male]]s who engaged in rebellion against the [[United States]] of the [[vote]], and gave it to Blacks. Newly freed Blacks held local, state and federal elected and non-elected positions as Republicans. The white males who were deprived of the vote were also barred from holding any civil service position and were universally Democrats.  This disenfranchisement created enormous resentment among Democrats, so they formed the Ku Klux Klan to engage in voter intimidation and suppression.  

Republicans stripped [[white]] [[male]]s who engaged in rebellion against the [[United States]] of the [[vote]], and gave it to Blacks. Newly freed Blacks held local, state and federal elected and non-elected positions as Republicans. The white males who were deprived of the vote were also barred from holding any civil service position and were universally Democrats.  This disenfranchisement created enormous resentment among Democrats, so they formed the Ku Klux Klan to engage in voter intimidation and suppression.  

The Ku Klux Klan started attacking Black Republican conventions.  At the Republican convention in Louisiana, the Klan joined with [[New Orleans]] police and New Orleans' Democrat mayor. The New Orleans Republican convention was attacked.  40 Blacks and 20 whites were killed. Another 150 were wounded.  In 1868 the Democrats put out push cards in South Carolina listing what they called the 'radical' members of the South Carolina legislature.  A push card is about the size of a baseball card.  The cards had the pictures of 63 legislators they wanted to kill.  50 of the legislators were Black and 13 were white.  All 63 were Republicans.  On the back of the was the name of the legislator.

The Ku Klux Klan started attacking Black Republican conventions.  At the Republican convention in Louisiana, the Klan joined with [[New Orleans]] police and New Orleans' Democrat mayor. The New Orleans Republican convention was attacked.  40 Blacks and 20 whites were killed. Another 150 were wounded.  In 1868, the Democrats put out push cards in South Carolina listing what they called the 'radical' members of the South Carolina legislature.  A push card is about the size of a baseball card.  The cards had the pictures of 63 legislators they wanted to kill.  50 of the legislators were Black and 13 were white.  All 63 were Republicans.  On the back of the was the name of the legislator.

By 1876, the situation had become ungovernable for Republicans.<ref><small>"the Compromise of 1877, which resolved the disputed presidential election of 1876 by awarding the presidency to Republican Rutherford B. Hayes (who had lost the popular vote) in exchange for the removal of federal troops from the South after the Civil War (which benefited Democrats, who wished to end Reconstruction and return white supremacy to southern state governments)."</small> [https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/us-history/the-gilded-age/gilded-age/a/gilded-age-politics-patronage Gilded Age politics: patronage]. khanacademy.org</ref> The Republicans had been able to pass the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments which guaranteed Blacks basic equality and civil rights, but eventually had to declare an amnesty for whites who engaged in rebellion. Reconstruction ended, and Republicans withdrew from [[social engineering]] which had divided the country so deeply and stirred up such bitterness and hatred among Democrats toward both Blacks and Republicans. Reconstruction earned Republicans the undying [[hatred]] of Democrats.<ref>See for example [https://youtu.be/-yY7g2jOquM James O'Keefe debate with Hairy Hillbilly Hippie] for an example of a partisan Democrat who votes against his own economic interests.</ref><ref>See excerpt from [[Dinesh D'Souza]]'s, ''[https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/dinesh-dsouza-the-secret-history-of-the-democratic-party Hillary's America: The Secret History of the Democratic Party]'', Regnery Publishing, July 18, 2016.</ref>

By 1876, the situation had become ungovernable for Republicans.<ref><small>"the Compromise of 1877, which resolved the disputed presidential election of 1876 by awarding the presidency to Republican Rutherford B. Hayes (who had lost the popular vote) in exchange for the removal of federal troops from the South after the Civil War (which benefited Democrats, who wished to end Reconstruction and return white supremacy to southern state governments)."</small> [https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/us-history/the-gilded-age/gilded-age/a/gilded-age-politics-patronage Gilded Age politics: patronage]. khanacademy.org</ref> The Republicans had been able to pass the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments which guaranteed Blacks basic equality and civil rights, but eventually had to declare an amnesty for whites who engaged in rebellion. Reconstruction ended, and Republicans withdrew from [[social engineering]], which had divided the country so deeply and stirred up such bitterness and hatred among Democrats toward both Blacks and Republicans. Reconstruction earned Republicans the undying [[hatred]] of Democrats.<ref>See for example [https://youtu.be/-yY7g2jOquM James O'Keefe debate with Hairy Hillbilly Hippie] for an example of a partisan Democrat who votes against his own economic interests.</ref><ref>See excerpt from [[Dinesh D'Souza]]'s, ''[https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/dinesh-dsouza-the-secret-history-of-the-democratic-party Hillary's America: The Secret History of the Democratic Party]'', Regnery Publishing, July 18, 2016.</ref>

[[African American]]s in the South were left to the mercy of increasingly hostile state governments dominated by white Democratic legislatures; neither the legislatures, law enforcement or the courts worked to protect freedmen.<ref>{{cite book|title=Encyclopedia of American Civil Liberties|author=Finkelman, Paul|year=2006}}</ref> As [[Democrats]] regained power in the late 1870s, they struggled to suppress black voting through intimidation and fraud at the polls. [[Paramilitary]] groups such as the [[Red Shirts]] acted on behalf of the Democrats to suppress black voting. From 1890 to 1908, 10 of the 11 former Confederate states passed disfranchising constitutions or amendments,<ref>{{cite book|title=Democracy's Privileged Few|author=Chafetz, Joshua Aaron|year=2007}}</ref> with provisions for [[poll tax]]es,<ref name="Klarman, Michael J. 2004">{{cite book|title=From Jim Crow to Civil Rights|author=Klarman, Michael J.|year=2004}}</ref> residency requirements, [[literacy test]]s,<ref name="Klarman, Michael J. 2004"/> and [[grandfather clause]]s that effectively disfranchised most black voters and many poor white people. The disfranchisement also meant that black people could not serve on juries or hold any political office, which were restricted to voters; those who could not vote were excluded from the political system.

[[African American]]s in the South were left to the mercy of increasingly hostile state governments dominated by white Democratic legislatures; neither the legislatures, law enforcement or the courts worked to protect freedmen.<ref>{{cite book|title=Encyclopedia of American Civil Liberties|author=Finkelman, Paul|year=2006}}</ref> As [[Democrats]] regained power in the late 1870s, they struggled to suppress black voting through intimidation and fraud at the polls. [[Paramilitary]] groups such as the [[Red Shirts]] acted on behalf of the Democrats to suppress black voting. From 1890 to 1908, 10 of the 11 former Confederate states passed disfranchising constitutions or amendments,<ref>{{cite book|title=Democracy's Privileged Few|author=Chafetz, Joshua Aaron|year=2007}}</ref> with provisions for [[poll tax]]es,<ref name="Klarman, Michael J. 2004">{{cite book|title=From Jim Crow to Civil Rights|author=Klarman, Michael J.|year=2004}}</ref> residency requirements, [[literacy test]]s,<ref name="Klarman, Michael J. 2004"/> and [[grandfather clause]]s that effectively disfranchised most black voters and many poor white people. The disfranchisement also meant that black people could not serve on juries or hold any political office, which were restricted to voters; those who could not vote were excluded from the political system.

While liberal academics allege that the shift of the South to the Republican Party began in the 1960s, the evidence that it really began in the 1920s and the 1950s is undeniable.<ref name="SeanTrende"/> Elections Analyst Sean Trende explains, "the inescapable truth is that the GOP was making its greatest gains in the South while it was also pushing a pro-civil rights agenda nationally. What was really driving the GOP at this time was economic development. As Southern cities continued to develop and sprout suburbs, Southern exceptionalism was eroded; Southern whites simply became wealthy enough to start voting Republican."<ref name="SeanTrende">Trande, Sean (April 30, 2013).[http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2013/04/30/southern_whites_shift_to_the_gop_predates_the_60s_118172.html Southern Whites' Shift to the GOP Predates the '60s]. ''Real Clear Politics''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref>  

While liberal academics allege that the shift of the South to the Republican Party began in the 1960s, the evidence that it really began in the 1920s and the 1950s is undeniable.<ref name="SeanTrende"/> Elections Analyst Sean Trende explains, "the inescapable truth is that the GOP was making its greatest gains in the South while it was also pushing a pro-civil rights agenda nationally. What was really driving the GOP at this time was economic development. As Southern cities continued to develop and sprout suburbs, Southern exceptionalism was eroded; Southern whites simply became wealthy enough to start voting Republican."<ref name="SeanTrende">Trande, Sean (April 30, 2013).[http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2013/04/30/southern_whites_shift_to_the_gop_predates_the_60s_118172.html Southern Whites' Shift to the GOP Predates the '60s]. ''Real Clear Politics''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref>  

Republican inroads into the South, which was beginning to weaken overt racism in some areas, may be what prompted Lyndon Johnson to throw off what had been the driving force binding Southern Democrats together. As part of this, the Democrats, knowing they would never win another election if they continued with overt racism and its derived policies, changed strategies by adopting a more subtle and subversive form of racism against blacks and manipulating them into voting Democrat (as admitted by LBJ himself, who was recorded as saying "I'll have those n*****s voting Democratic for the next 200 years").<ref>Ronald Kessler,[https://www.amazon.com/Inside-White-House-Kessler/dp/1433244985 Inside the White House: The Hidden Lives of the Modern Presidents and the Secrets of the World's Most Powerful Institution], Pocket Books, 1995, p. 33</ref>  They would do so by weakening public schools across the board via programs such as "social promotion" (the practice of passing students based solely on age and not on demonstrated ability, causing increases in illiteracy and decreases in standard test scores – they would also criticize such tests as being "culturally biased"), instituting the modern [[welfare state]] making minorities dependent on government (which along with the "legalization" of [[abortion]] via [[Roe v. Wade]], and planting of [[Planned Parenthood]] facilities in minority areas, also effectively destroyed the black family culture), and turning Democrat-controlled cities into deteriorating slums infested by crime and drugs while falsely taking credit for the Republicans' civil rights advances and falsely accusing anyone opposed to the Democrats' corrupt schemes to undermine blacks of "racism".<ref name="Short History"/>

Republican inroads into the South, which were beginning to weaken overt racism in some areas, may be what prompted Lyndon Johnson to throw off what had been the driving force binding Southern Democrats together. As part of this, the Democrats, knowing they would never win another election if they continued with overt racism and its derived policies, changed strategies by adopting a more subtle and subversive form of racism against blacks and manipulating them into voting Democrat (as admitted by LBJ himself, who was recorded as saying "I'll have those n*****s voting Democratic for the next 200 years").<ref>Ronald Kessler,[https://www.amazon.com/Inside-White-House-Kessler/dp/1433244985 Inside the White House: The Hidden Lives of the Modern Presidents and the Secrets of the World's Most Powerful Institution], Pocket Books, 1995, p. 33</ref>  They would do so by weakening public schools across the board via programs such as "social promotion" (the practice of passing students based solely on age and not on demonstrated ability, causing increases in illiteracy and decreases in standard test scores – they would also criticize such tests as being "culturally biased"), instituting the modern [[welfare state]] making minorities dependent on government (which along with the "legalization" of [[abortion]] via [[Roe v. Wade]], and planting of [[Planned Parenthood]] facilities in minority areas, also effectively destroyed the black family culture), and turning Democrat-controlled cities into deteriorating slums infested by crime and drugs while falsely taking credit for the Republicans' civil rights advances and falsely accusing anyone opposed to the Democrats' corrupt schemes to undermine blacks of "racism".<ref name="Short History"/>

    

    

====1964 to 1992====

====1964 to 1992====

[[File:Jimmy Carter.jpg|left|150px|thumb|Jimmy Carter was elected in 1976 and defeated in 1980.]]

[[File:Jimmy Carter.jpg|left|150px|thumb|Jimmy Carter was elected in 1976 and defeated in 1980.]]

Since 1964, the South has become competitive. The Democrats' grip on the Solid South began to break down in the 1964 election, when all of the states in the deep south (with the exceptions of Florida and Texas) voted for [[Barry Goldwater]] who broke with his party to oppose the [[Civil Rights Act]]. President Johnson's home state, Texas, remained Democrat. In 1965 federal legislation was enacted to scale back state impediments to black voter participation. In 1968, contrary to the Southern Strategy [[conspiracy theory]], Democrat Gov. [[George Wallace]] swept the Deep South, with the exception of South Carolina which went Republican and Texas which remained Democrat. Republican [[Richard Nixon]] won the peripheral states of North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and Florida.

Since 1964, the South has become competitive. The Democrats' grip on the Solid South began to break down in the 1964 election, when all of the states in the Deep South (with the exceptions of Florida and Texas) voted for [[Barry Goldwater]] who broke with his party to oppose the [[Civil Rights Act]]. President Johnson's home state, Texas, remained Democrat. In 1965 federal legislation was enacted to scale back state impediments to black voter participation. In 1968, contrary to the Southern Strategy [[conspiracy theory]], Democrat Gov. [[George Wallace]] swept the Deep South, with the exception of South Carolina, which went Republican and Texas, which remained Democrat. Republican [[Richard Nixon]] won the peripheral states of North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and Florida.

In the 1976 election, Democrat contender [[Jimmy Carter]].<ref>[http://fisher.lib.virginia.edu/collections/stats/elections/maps/1976ec.gif 1976 Electoral Distribution].</ref> carried most of the region combining the black vote with a majority of evangelical whites. Beginning in 1972, the Solid South began a long string of picking the winner beginning with Richard Nixon (1972), Jimmy Carter (1976), [[Ronald Reagan]] (1980 & 84), and [[George H.W. Bush]] (1988).<ref>In 1980 Carter carried his home state of Georgia.</ref>

In the 1976 election, Democrat contender [[Jimmy Carter]].<ref>[http://fisher.lib.virginia.edu/collections/stats/elections/maps/1976ec.gif 1976 Electoral Distribution].</ref> carried most of the region, combining the black vote with a majority of evangelical whites. Beginning in 1972, the Solid South began a long string of picking the winner beginning with Richard Nixon (1972), Jimmy Carter (1976), [[Ronald Reagan]] (1980 & 84), and [[George H.W. Bush]] (1988).<ref>In 1980 Carter carried his home state of Georgia.</ref>

While the South may have lost the Civil War, since Lyndon B. Johnson, Southern views and priorities have dominated the White House and the national agenda.

While the South may have lost the Civil War, since Lyndon B. Johnson, Southern views and priorities have dominated the White House and the national agenda.

===State politics===

===State politics===

[[File:Map of Southern state legislatures and Governors (2015).png|thumb|250px|Political composition of the South in early 2015. As set by the [[mainstream media]], red stands for a GOP trifecta in state government, with darker shades of red showing stronger GOP control in the state government (state legislature and governors' mansions). Purple and very light red (WV) show a divided government, and blue (DE) shows a Democrat-controlled government.]]

[[File:Map of Southern state legislatures and Governors (2015).png|thumb|250px|Political composition of the South in early 2015. As set by the [[mainstream media]], red stands for a GOP trifecta in state government, with darker shades of red showing stronger GOP control in the state government (state legislature and governors' mansions). Purple and very light red (WV) show a divided government, and blue (DE) shows a Democrat-controlled government.]]

From the end of Reconstruction until the 1960s, the [[Democrat Party]] had a consistent and strong hold in the South. This control was so strong that it was termed "The Solid South".<ref>[https://www.pbs.org/now/politics/solidsouth.html The Solid South?]. ''PBS''. January 30, 2004. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> Despite the inroads made by the Republican Party on the presidential level, the South remained solidly Democrat on the state level through the 1980s, 1990s, and even into the 2000s in several states.<ref>Trande, Sean (September 9, 2010). [http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2010/09/09/misunderstanding_the_southern_realignment_107084.html Misunderstanding the Southern Realignment]. ''Real Clear Politics''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> The Republican Party only became dominant in the state-level in the 2010 elections, when it captured several state legislatures, among many other victories.<ref name="Hamby">Hamby, Peter (December 9, 2014). [https://www.cnn.com/2014/12/03/politics/southern-democrats/ The plight of the Southern Democrat]. ''CNN''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> After the 2014 elections, the GOP controlled every state legislature in the South with the sole exception of the Kentucky State House, in which the Democrats maintained a slim majority.<ref name="Hamby"/> Additionally by 2015, the GOP was dominant in every level of government across the South.<ref name="Hamby"/><ref>Cohn, Nate (December 4, 2014). [https://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/05/upshot/demise-of-the-southern-democrat-is-now-nearly-compete.html?_r=0 Demise of the Southern Democrat Is Now Nearly Complete]. ''The New York Times''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> In 2016, the GOP took the Kentucky State House in a landslide, making every legislature in the South GOP-controlled.<ref>Loftus, Tom (November 9, 2016). [http://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/politics/elections/kentucky/2016/11/08/control-kentucky-house-up-grabs/93344114/ GOP takes Ky House in historic shift]. ''Courier-Journal''. Retrieved November 9, 2016.</ref><ref>Brammer, Jack & Blackford, Linda (November 8, 2016). [https://www.kentucky.com/news/politics-government/article113464563.html Republicans take the Kentucky House after 95 years of Democratic control]. ''Lexington Herald-Leader''. Retrieved November 9, 2016.</ref> At the gubernatorial level, however, the Democrats retook North Carolina in 2016 when their candidate Roy Cooper, previously the state's Attorney General, defeated GOP incumbent [[Pat McCrory]].<ref>[https://www.foxnews.com/politics/2016/12/05/north-carolina-gov-pat-mccrory-concedes-lost-re-election.html North Carolina Gov. McCrory concedes he lost re-election bid] at Fox News</ref>

From the end of Reconstruction until the 1960s, the [[Democrat Party]] had a consistent and strong hold in the South. This control was so strong that it was termed "The Solid South".<ref>[https://www.pbs.org/now/politics/solidsouth.html The Solid South?]. ''PBS''. January 30, 2004. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> Despite the inroads made by the Republican Party on the presidential level, the South remained solidly Democrat on the state level through the 1980s, 1990s, and even into the 2000s in several states.<ref>Trande, Sean (September 9, 2010). [http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2010/09/09/misunderstanding_the_southern_realignment_107084.html Misunderstanding the Southern Realignment]. ''Real Clear Politics''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> The Republican Party only became dominant in the state-level in the 2010 elections, when it captured several state legislatures, among many other victories.<ref name="Hamby">Hamby, Peter (December 9, 2014). [https://www.cnn.com/2014/12/03/politics/southern-democrats/ The plight of the Southern Democrat]. ''CNN''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> After the 2014 elections, the GOP controlled every state legislature in the South with the sole exception of the Kentucky State House, in which the Democrats maintained a slim majority.<ref name="Hamby"/> Additionally, by 2015, the GOP was dominant in every level of government across the South.<ref name="Hamby"/><ref>Cohn, Nate (December 4, 2014). [https://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/05/upshot/demise-of-the-southern-democrat-is-now-nearly-compete.html?_r=0 Demise of the Southern Democrat Is Now Nearly Complete]. ''The New York Times''. Retrieved September 9, 2016.</ref> In 2016, the GOP took the Kentucky State House in a landslide, making every legislature in the South GOP-controlled.<ref>Loftus, Tom (November 9, 2016). [http://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/politics/elections/kentucky/2016/11/08/control-kentucky-house-up-grabs/93344114/ GOP takes Ky House in historic shift]. ''Courier-Journal''. Retrieved November 9, 2016.</ref><ref>Brammer, Jack & Blackford, Linda (November 8, 2016). [https://www.kentucky.com/news/politics-government/article113464563.html Republicans take the Kentucky House after 95 years of Democratic control]. ''Lexington Herald-Leader''. Retrieved November 9, 2016.</ref> At the gubernatorial level, however, the Democrats retook North Carolina in 2016 when their candidate Roy Cooper, previously the state's Attorney General, defeated GOP incumbent [[Pat McCrory]].<ref>[https://www.foxnews.com/politics/2016/12/05/north-carolina-gov-pat-mccrory-concedes-lost-re-election.html North Carolina Gov. McCrory concedes he lost re-election bid] at Fox News</ref>

==Military==

==Military==

* Phillips, Ulrich B. ''American Negro Slavery; a Survey of the Supply, Employment, and Control of Negro Labor, as Determined by the Plantation Regime''. (1918)[https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/11490 online at Project Gutenberg]

* Phillips, Ulrich B. ''American Negro Slavery; a Survey of the Supply, Employment, and Control of Negro Labor, as Determined by the Plantation Regime''. (1918)[https://www.gutenberg.org/etext/11490 online at Project Gutenberg]

* Phillips, Ulrich B. ''Life and Labor in the Old South''. (1929).  

* Phillips, Ulrich B. ''Life and Labor in the Old South''. (1929).  

* Phillips, Ulrich B. "The Economic Cost of Slaveholding in the Cotton Belt," ''Political Science Quarterly'' 20#2 (Jun., 1905), pp.&nbsp;257–275 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0032-3195%28190506%2920%3A2%3C257%3ATECOSI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-I in JSTOR]

* Phillips, Ulrich B. "The Economic Cost of Slaveholding in the Cotton Belt," ''Political Science Quarterly'' 20#2 (Jun., 1905), pp. 257–275 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0032-3195%28190506%2920%3A2%3C257%3ATECOSI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-I in JSTOR]

* Phillips, Ulrich B. "The Origin and Growth of the Southern Black Belts." ''American Historical Review,'' 11 (July, 1906): 798-816. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8762%28190607%2911%3A4%3C798%3ATOAGOT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T  in JSTOR]

* Phillips, Ulrich B. "The Origin and Growth of the Southern Black Belts." ''American Historical Review,'' 11 (July 1906): 798-816. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-8762%28190607%2911%3A4%3C798%3ATOAGOT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-T  in JSTOR]

* Phillips, Ulrich B. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7162%28191001%2935%3A1%3C37%3ATDOTPS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-W "The Decadence of the Plantation System." ''Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences,'' 35 (January, 1910): 37-41. in JSTOR]

* Phillips, Ulrich B. [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7162%28191001%2935%3A1%3C37%3ATDOTPS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-W "The Decadence of the Plantation System." ''Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences,'' 35 (January, 1910): 37-41. in JSTOR]

* Joseph P. Reidy; ''From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism in the Cotton Plantation South: Central Georgia, 1800-1880'' 1992 [https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=12034198 online edition]

* Joseph P. Reidy; ''From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism in the Cotton Plantation South: Central Georgia, 1800-1880'' 1992 [https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=12034198 online edition]