Changes

The nationalists who emerged in [[Austrian Galicia|Galicia]] following the [[First World War]] adopted integral nationalism.<ref name="erlacher2014">{{cite journal |author=Trevor Erlacher |year=2014 |title=The birth of Ukrainian "active nationalism": Dmytro Dontsov and heterodox Marxism before World war I, 1883–1914 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/modern-intellectual-history/article/abs/birth-of-ukrainian-active-nationalism-dmytro-dontsov-and-heterodox-marxism-before-world-war-i-18831914/51C1E543D5D2B1B5D4624782E2CF3F1E |journal=Modern Intellectual History |volume=11 |issue=3 |pages=519–548 |doi=10.1017/S1479244314000171 |s2cid=144888682|url-access=subscription }}</ref><ref>"The term "integral nationalism" has emerged as the most accurate and least tendentious label for "active nationalism" in the scholarly literature on [[Dontsov]] and the OUN", p. 523.</ref>  The nation was held to be of the highest absolute value, more important than social class, regions, the individual, [[religion]], etc. To this end, members of the [[Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists]] (OUN) were urged to "force their way into all areas of national life", such as [[institution]]s, societies, villages and families. Politics was seen as a [[Darwinian]] struggle between nations for survival, rendering conflict unavoidable and justifying any means that would lead to the victory of one's nation over that of others. In this context, [[willpower]] was seen as more important than [[reason]],<ref name="Subtleny">Orest Subtelny. (1988). ''Ukraine: A History.'' Toronto: University of Toronto Press.  pp.441–446.</ref> and warfare was glorified as an expression of national vitality.

The nationalists who emerged in [[Austrian Galicia|Galicia]] following the [[First World War]] adopted integral nationalism.<ref name="erlacher2014">{{cite journal |author=Trevor Erlacher |year=2014 |title=The birth of Ukrainian "active nationalism": Dmytro Dontsov and heterodox Marxism before World war I, 1883–1914 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/modern-intellectual-history/article/abs/birth-of-ukrainian-active-nationalism-dmytro-dontsov-and-heterodox-marxism-before-world-war-i-18831914/51C1E543D5D2B1B5D4624782E2CF3F1E |journal=Modern Intellectual History |volume=11 |issue=3 |pages=519–548 |doi=10.1017/S1479244314000171 |s2cid=144888682|url-access=subscription }}</ref><ref>"The term "integral nationalism" has emerged as the most accurate and least tendentious label for "active nationalism" in the scholarly literature on [[Dontsov]] and the OUN", p. 523.</ref>  The nation was held to be of the highest absolute value, more important than social class, regions, the individual, [[religion]], etc. To this end, members of the [[Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists]] (OUN) were urged to "force their way into all areas of national life", such as [[institution]]s, societies, villages and families. Politics was seen as a [[Darwinian]] struggle between nations for survival, rendering conflict unavoidable and justifying any means that would lead to the victory of one's nation over that of others. In this context, [[willpower]] was seen as more important than [[reason]],<ref name="Subtleny">Orest Subtelny. (1988). ''Ukraine: A History.'' Toronto: University of Toronto Press.  pp.441–446.</ref> and warfare was glorified as an expression of national vitality.

The [[OUN]]'s conceptualization was particular in several ways. Because Ukraine was stateless and surrounded by more powerful neighbors, the emphasis on force and warfare was to be expressed in acts of [[terrorism]] rather than open warfare, and illegality was glorified. Because Ukrainians did not have a [[state]] to [[worship]] or serve, the emphasis was placed on a "pure" national [[language]] and culture rather than a State. There was a strain of fantastic [[romanticism]], in which the unsophisticated Ukrainian rejection of reason was more spontaneous and genuine than the cynical rejection of reason by German or Italian integral nationalists.<ref>{{cite book |first=John |last=Armstrong |year=1963 |title=Ukrainian Nationalism |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York |pages=20–22}}</ref>

The [[OUN]]'s conceptualization was particular in several ways. Because [[Ukraine]] was stateless and surrounded by more powerful neighbors, the emphasis on force and warfare was to be expressed in acts of [[terrorism]] rather than open warfare, and illegality was glorified. Because Ukrainians did not have a [[state]] to [[worship]] or serve, the emphasis was placed on a "pure" national [[language]] and culture rather than a State. There was a strain of fantastic [[romanticism]], in which the unsophisticated Ukrainian rejection of reason was more spontaneous and genuine than the cynical rejection of reason by German or Italian integral nationalists.<ref>{{cite book |first=John |last=Armstrong |year=1963 |title=Ukrainian Nationalism |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York |pages=20–22}}</ref>

The OUN viewed the [[Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church]] as a rival and condemned [[Catholic]] leaders as police informers or potential informers; the Church rejected integral nationalism as incompatible with [[Christian]] [[ethics]]. The conflict between the OUN and the Church eased in the late 1930s.<ref>Myroslav Shkandrij.(2015). National democracy, the OUN, and Dontsovism: Three ideological currents in Ukrainian Nationalism of the 1930s–40s and their shared myth-system".Communist and Post-Communist Studies 1–8</ref>

The OUN viewed the [[Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church]] as a rival and condemned [[Catholic]] leaders as police informers or potential informers; the Church rejected integral nationalism as incompatible with [[Christian]] [[ethics]]. The conflict between the OUN and the Church eased in the late 1930s.<ref>Myroslav Shkandrij.(2015). National democracy, the OUN, and Dontsovism: Three ideological currents in Ukrainian Nationalism of the 1930s–40s and their shared myth-system".Communist and Post-Communist Studies 1–8</ref>