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This transmutation of a love of God to a love of "the people" as being the basis for a social and political order spread across Europe and other parts of the world during the nineteenth century.  In Germany it became a recognition and conciousness of "''das volk''", later in Russia it was a dedication to the "''narodny''".  By the mid-nineteenth century, Socialism as a doctrine sought to overthrow the existing order of society, the Church and aristocracy, by promoting atheism and nationalism.  The basic tenet was to replace the individual's committment to love and serve God with the individual's committment to love and serve the collective society.
 
This transmutation of a love of God to a love of "the people" as being the basis for a social and political order spread across Europe and other parts of the world during the nineteenth century.  In Germany it became a recognition and conciousness of "''das volk''", later in Russia it was a dedication to the "''narodny''".  By the mid-nineteenth century, Socialism as a doctrine sought to overthrow the existing order of society, the Church and aristocracy, by promoting atheism and nationalism.  The basic tenet was to replace the individual's committment to love and serve God with the individual's committment to love and serve the collective society.
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Socialism in its beginnings was  [[authoritarian]]. It began as a reaction against the [[classical liberalism]] of the French Revolution. The French writers who laid its foundation had no doubt that their ideas could be put into practice only by a strong dictatorial government. The first of modern planners, Henri de Saint-Simon, predicted those who did not obey his proposed [[economic plan]]ning boards would be ‘treated as cattle.’ <ref>[http://www.iea.org.uk/files/upld-publication43pdf?.pdf ''Road to Serfdom'',] Friedrich A. Hayek, Reader's Digest Condensed Version, April 1945, pg. 39.</ref>
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Socialism has always been [[authoritarian]] from its beginnings. It began as a reaction against the [[classical liberalism]] of the French Revolution. The French writers who laid its foundation had no doubt that their ideas could be put into practice only by a strong dictatorial government. The first of modern planners, Henri de Saint-Simon, predicted those who did not obey his proposed [[economic plan]]ning boards would be ‘treated as cattle.’ <ref>[http://www.iea.org.uk/files/upld-publication43pdf?.pdf ''Road to Serfdom'',] Friedrich A. Hayek, Reader's Digest Condensed Version, April 1945, pg. 39.</ref>
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Nationalism can be defined as pride in one's native language and culture.  Socialist theoriticians, wanting to overthrow the exisitng order, stirred up nationalist resentment among the minorities within the larger German, Russian, and Austro-Hungarian Empires. By the twentieth century, [[V.I. Lenin]] insisted on the right of subjugated peoples to break away from the great empires. Once the [[Bolsheviks]] were in power in Russia however, any attempt on the part of  the subjugated peoples to break away from the Socialist Union of nations was considered counter-revolutionary activity. <ref>J. L. Talmon, ''The Unique and the Universal'', Secker & Warburg, London 1965. </ref>
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Nationalism can be defined as pride in one's native language and culture.  Socialist theoriticians, wanting to overthrow the exisitng order, stirred up nationalist resentment among the minorities within the larger German, Russian, and Austro-Hungarian Empires. The reaction among Austrian Socialists was quite different. A solution to the problem of nationalities became policy in Austria-Hungary on two levels: territorial autonomy for territorial minorities, and "personal autonomy" for members of minorities dispersed among peoples of different languages and cultures.  Minorities were to be granted the right to have their own schools and their own institutions. Many minorities realized it was better to remain subjects of the supra-national Hapsburg state than to be subordinate to repressive policies and actions of other national groups. Austrian Socialists rejected the idea of national liberation movements and the dissolution of the Hapsburg Monarchy into independent national units. <ref>J. L. Talmon, ''The Unique and the Universal'', Secker & Warburg, London 1965. </ref>
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By the twentieth century, [[V.I. Lenin]] insisted on the right of subjugated peoples to break away from the great empires. Once the [[Bolsheviks]] were in power in Russia however, any attempt on the part of  the subjugated peoples to break away from the Socialist Union of nations was considered [[counter-revolutionary]] activity. <ref>Ibid. </ref>
    
[[Friedrich Hayek]] of the London School of Economics and Political Science writing in the Spring of 1933 <ref>Friedrich A. Hayek, ''Memorandum on Nazi-Socialism spring of 1933''</ref>
 
[[Friedrich Hayek]] of the London School of Economics and Political Science writing in the Spring of 1933 <ref>Friedrich A. Hayek, ''Memorandum on Nazi-Socialism spring of 1933''</ref>
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