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Line 187: + + + + − ==Legacy of the Revolution==+ + + + + + + + + + + − There are two main historical approaches to the French Revolution: the minimalist and the Marxist. The minimalist view, championed by such historians as [[Simon Schama]], [[Alfred Cobban]] and [[Roger Price]], states that, in the words of Price: <blockquote>+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + − + + + + + − The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeousie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy. − + − + + + + + + Line 213:
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add post 1795 and historiography
Georges Couthon, in August 1793, proposed and won passage of a law punishing any person who should sell assignats at less than their fixed value with imprisonment for 20 years in chains, and later passed a law making investment in foreign countries punishable by death. Prisons, guillotines, enactments inflicting 20 years' imprisonment in chains upon persons twice convicted of buying or selling paper money at less than its nominal value, and death upon investors in foreign securities, still did not stop people from procuring the necessities of life by bargaining and exchange; on 1 August, 1795, the gold louis of 25 francs was worth in paper, 920 francs; on 1 September, 1,200 francs; on 1 November, 2,600 francs; on 1 December, 3,050 francs. In February 1796, it was worth 7,200 francs or one franc in gold was worth 288 francs in paper. Prices of all commodities went up nearly in proportion. <ref>Andrew Dickson White, Fiat Money: Inflation in France, Foundation for Economic Education, Irvington-on-Hudson, New York, 1959, pp. 75-89; first published in 1912 as revised version of 1876 lecture. Reproduced in ''Choice in Currency'', F. A. Hayek, The Institute of Economic Affairs 1976, "A Note on Government Monopoly of Money in Theory and History", [http://www.iea.org.uk/files/upld-book409pdf?.pdf France, 1789], pgs. 34 - 38.</ref>
Georges Couthon, in August 1793, proposed and won passage of a law punishing any person who should sell assignats at less than their fixed value with imprisonment for 20 years in chains, and later passed a law making investment in foreign countries punishable by death. Prisons, guillotines, enactments inflicting 20 years' imprisonment in chains upon persons twice convicted of buying or selling paper money at less than its nominal value, and death upon investors in foreign securities, still did not stop people from procuring the necessities of life by bargaining and exchange; on 1 August, 1795, the gold louis of 25 francs was worth in paper, 920 francs; on 1 September, 1,200 francs; on 1 November, 2,600 francs; on 1 December, 3,050 francs. In February 1796, it was worth 7,200 francs or one franc in gold was worth 288 francs in paper. Prices of all commodities went up nearly in proportion. <ref>Andrew Dickson White, Fiat Money: Inflation in France, Foundation for Economic Education, Irvington-on-Hudson, New York, 1959, pp. 75-89; first published in 1912 as revised version of 1876 lecture. Reproduced in ''Choice in Currency'', F. A. Hayek, The Institute of Economic Affairs 1976, "A Note on Government Monopoly of Money in Theory and History", [http://www.iea.org.uk/files/upld-book409pdf?.pdf France, 1789], pgs. 34 - 38.</ref>
==Directory==
The "Directory" was the government between November 1795 and November 1799.<ref> The Directory is also called the Constitution of the Year III because it was instituted in the third year of the First French Republic.</ref> It consisted of a Directory of five men, one of whom was replaced annually, and two representative assemblies, the '''Five Hundred''' and the '''Ancients.''' The assemblies were elected nationwide by property owners. The assemblies wielded legislative power, and the Directory executive power, but there was no device to resolve deadlocks between them.<ref>Jones, ''Great Nation'' (2002) ch 11</ref>
The Directory gave power to the more conservative forces remaining in France;<ref> Not including the royalists and aristocrats who had fled into exile.</ref> they had taken advantage of the enormous changes 1789-95, including the breakup or religious and aristocratic estates. The Directory continued the "Thermidorian reaction," which followed the fall of [[Maximilien Robespierre]] and the [[Jacobins]] in July 1794. The moderate middle-class republicans, mostly from the upper middle class favored the Directory because it ended the power of the royalists on the right and the Jacobin on the left. The Directory repeatedly used armed force and intimidation to stay in power, and thus depended on its generals, who gained popularity.
In foreign affairs the wars against Britain, Austria, Prussia, and for a time Russia were undertaken to protect France, expand its ideals, and acquire cash to pay army, which became more and more powerful in internal affairs. Conquests created a screen of six satellite republics set up in Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, and Bonaparte's seizure of Egypt. Prussia and Spain made peace, but Britain remained hostile and plans were drawn for an invasion. Instead Napoleon invaded Egypt.
In domestic affairs the era of the Directory was characterized by large-scale corruption. The revolution had demoralized public life, especially in Paris and the major cities. Profiteering in business, graft in politics and bureaucracy, extravagance in luxuries, and vulgarity in morals and manners, were the marks of the new regime. Public finances remained disorganized, as the nation could not raise enough taxes to pay its expenses. Inflation was rampant. In the private sector prosperity was returning, especially in the rural areas where most Frenchmen lived. One Director, [[Paul de Barras]] (1755-1829), who clung to power throughout the period, was a flamboyant, ruthlessly self-seeking man of immense greed and licentiousness. In total contrast was [[Lazare Carnot]] (1753-1823), the patriotic "organizer of victory," who served as a Director from 1795 until September 1797, and was largely responsible for the successes of the French army and of the Italian campaign in 1796-1797. Senior officials included the highly talented [[Joseph Fouché]], minister of police, and the [[Comte de Talleyrand]], minister of foreign affairs. The election as director of abbé [[Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès]] in May 1799 brought in a powerful intellectual who realized the system was doomed and resolved to overthrow it.
The Directory lost legitimacy by the series of coups it engineered to control elections. The coup of Fructidor (September 1797) against the royalists was followed by the coup of Floréal (May 1798) against the Jacobins, and then by that of Prairial (June 1799) against both. Repeated use of armed intimidation dismayed republicans, particularly army officers who believed in republican ideas. The coups paved the way for the overthrow of the regime by Napoleon in 1799.
==The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution==
Despite his military failures in Egypt, General [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, [[Lucien Bonaparte]], president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'etat on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred. Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.<ref> Furet (1996) p 212</ref>
==Impact of the Revolution==
===Impact on France===
The soldiers of the 1790s became the heroes for future republicans, who admired the equality of all before the draft, the requirement to serve in person, the human qualities of flair, enthusiasm, generosity of spirit, and patriotism, as well as the upward mobility that could turn peasants into officers. The soldier was spared the denunciation heaped on one political faction or the other.<ref> Alan Forrest, "L'armee De l'an II: La Levee en Masse et la Creation d'un Mythe Republicain." ''Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française'' 2004 (335): 111-130. Issn: 0003-4436 </ref>
===Impact on World===
The influence of the French Revolution was immense throughout the western hemisphere, as other peoples felt that they, too, could rise up against their rulers and defeat them. Historians credit the French Revolution with spreading the ideas of the Enlightenment, limiting the power of nobility and clergy, and ending an absolute monarchy. But many who supported the French Revolution in its beginning were horrified by where it led, including numerous executions and terror. Some would say that France never fully recovered, as the French Revolution unleashed a hostility towards [[Christianity]] that continues to this day in France.
The influence of the French Revolution was immense throughout the western hemisphere, as other peoples felt that they, too, could rise up against their rulers and defeat them. Historians credit the French Revolution with spreading the ideas of the Enlightenment, limiting the power of nobility and clergy, and ending an absolute monarchy. But many who supported the French Revolution in its beginning were horrified by where it led, including numerous executions and terror. Some would say that France never fully recovered, as the French Revolution unleashed a hostility towards [[Christianity]] that continues to this day in France.
==Historiography==
===Republican tradition===
The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the [[Enlightenment]] who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution. The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref> See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>
===Bourbon history===
The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers. The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds. The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.
===Marxists===
The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeousie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy. Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959)<ref> See
LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com] </ref> , and Albert Soboul (1914-1982)<ref> Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com] </ref>, identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the the sans-culottes (the urban poor)<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html] </ref>. That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791-99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.
The Marxist approach was a simple model that claimed to simultaneously explain the Revolution's origins, its internal dynamics and its long-term consequences. The dominance of the Left in French intellectual life ensured the theory was dominant for decades, but it had serious flaws. As English scholar Alfred Cobban explained, feudalism as a system had withered away long before the Revolution abolished its last vestiges in the form of seigniorial rights. Furthermore where Marxists saw a self-conscious, capitalist bourgeois class, Cobban revealed only a loose collection of disparate social groups that did not include the industrialists and businessmen but rather the officeholders and lawyers. These men led the revolution not as spokesmen for the forces of capitalism; rather they were state-builders. Other scholars showed the nobility was not parasitic obstructionist and reactionary caste of Republican or Marxist writing, but rather a diverse and open group whose leaders actively promoted political and economic modernization.<ref> Alfred Cobban, ''The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution'' (1962); Doyle (1999) ch 2; John Dunne, "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition] </ref>
===Furet and conservatives===
To replace Marxist interpretations was the goal of [[François Furet]] (1927-97)), the head of the history section of the Ecole pratique des hautes etudes. He argued instead that the Revolution is best understood as the victory of the [[Enlightenment]]--particularly the [[Jean Jacques Rousseau|Rousseauian]] version--over social interests. Intellectual forces were dominant, not class conflict or materialistic forces. Furet's influential American ally was Keith Baker, of the University of Chicago. Baker, influenced by the linguistic turn pioneered by [[J. G. A. Pocock]] identified three competing discourses that shaped how people thought in the second half of the eighteenth century. The "language of will" promised rights to the majority while the "language of justice" and the "language of equality" also shaped political values. Justice emphasized history and the desire to maintain contracts; proponents of equality wanted reason to prevail in governmental decision making. According to Baker, in the summer of 1789 the revolutionaries suddenly embraced the language of will. Once embarked on this course, the Terror followed from their insistence that the majority should realize its ambitions. Political and social factors were not unnecessary to arrive at this unfortunate result, said Baker; instead it was the embrace of the three political discourses of will, justice and equality that drove the revolution.<ref>Censer, "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution" (2003) </ref>
===Class and culture===
Multiple cultural and intellectual themes have displaced monocausal economic interpretations. Thus in dealing with the middle class, the Marxist inevitable-class-conflict model has given way. On the one hand there are cultural studies that emphasize the ways in which the middle class functions as a political and moral claim rather than a sociological entity. On the other hand microscopic ethnographic studies examine the middle class in terms of daily cultural practices, focusing on the formation of class identity through family structure, consumer behavior, sociability, and sexuality.<ref>Carol E. Harrison, "The Bourgeois after the Bourgeois Revolution: Recent Approaches to the Middle Class in European Cities." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2005 31(3): 382-392. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: in [[Ebsco]] </ref>
The minimalist view, championed by such historians as [[Simon Schama]], [[Alfred Cobban]] and [[Roger Price]], states that, in the words of Price: <blockquote>
In political and ideological terms the Revolution was no doubt of crucial importance, but humanity was not transformed thereby... At the end of all the political upheavals of the Revolution and Empire little had changed in the daily life of most Frenchmen.<ref>Roger Price. ''An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914.'' London. Macmillan. 1975.</ref>
In political and ideological terms the Revolution was no doubt of crucial importance, but humanity was not transformed thereby... At the end of all the political upheavals of the Revolution and Empire little had changed in the daily life of most Frenchmen.<ref>Roger Price. ''An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914.'' London. Macmillan. 1975.</ref>
</blockquote>
</blockquote>
In other words, all the events of the French Revolution had little lasting effect and the people that were killed because of the upheaval died in vain.
In other words, all the events of the French Revolution had little lasting effect on everyday life.
===Regions and localities===
Thanks to the postmodern emphasis on the specific rather than the general, instead of the old emphasis on Paris there has been much greater emphasis on regional and local conditions. Postmodern historians tend to see the French Revolution as a haphazard event with random and largely unforeseen consequences, to the dismay of old Marxists like [[Eric Hobsbawm]] (1917- ).<ref> E. J. Hobsbawm, "The Making of a 'Bourgeois Revolution'" ''Social Research'' 2004 71(3): 455-480. Issn: 0037-783x Fulltext: []Ebsco]]</ref>
===International===
Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--[[Atlantic history|in the Atlantic world]]--in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences. The comparative approach was pioneered by American historian Robert Palmer.<ref>Robert R. Palmer, ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800.'' (2 vol 1959), [http://www.questia.com/read/22790906 vol 1 online] </ref>
==Biblliography==
==Further reading==
* Doyle, William. ''The Oxford History of the French Revolution'' (1989). [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-oxford-history-of-the-french-revolution-by-william-doyle.jsp online complete edition]; also [http://www.amazon.com/Oxford-History-French-Revolution/dp/019925298X/ref=sr_1_4/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189484963&sr=1-4 excerpt and text search ]
* Baker, Keith M. ed. ''The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture'' (Oxford, 1987-94) ''vol 1: The Political Culture of the Old Regime,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1987); ''vol. 2: The Political Culture of the French Revolution,'' ed. C. Lucas (1988); ''vol. 3: The Transformation of Political Culture, 1789-1848,'' eds. F. Furet & M. Ozouf (1989); ''vol. 4: The Terror,'' ed. K.M. Baker (1994). [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Creation-Political-Culture/dp/0080413870/ref=sr_1_4?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197926396&sr=1-4 excerpt and text search vol 4]; advanced essays by leading scholars; conservative approach
* Blanning, T.C.W. ''The French Revolutionary Wars 1787-1802'' (1996).
* Doyle, William. ''The Oxford History of the French Revolution'' (1989). [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-oxford-history-of-the-french-revolution-by-william-doyle.jsp online complete edition]; also [http://www.amazon.com/Oxford-History-French-Revolution/dp/019925298X/ref=sr_1_4/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189484963&sr=1-4 excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]
* Doyle, William. ''The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction.'' (2001), 120pp; [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-a-very-short-introduction-by-william-doyle.jsp online edition]
* Doyle, William. ''The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction.'' (2001), 120pp; [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-a-very-short-introduction-by-william-doyle.jsp online edition]
* Doyle, William. ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (3rd ed. 1999) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/origins-of-the-french-revolution-by-william-doyle.jsp online edition]
* Englund, Steven. ''Napoleon: A Political Life.'' (2004). 575 pages; the best political biography [http://www.amazon.com/Napoleon-Political-Life-Steven-Englund/dp/0674018036/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197704843&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. ed. ''The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: A Political, Social, and Military History'' (ABC-CLIO: 3 vol 2006)
* Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. ed. ''The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: A Political, Social, and Military History'' (ABC-CLIO: 3 vol 2006)
* Frey, Linda S. and Marsha L. Frey. ''The French Revolution.'' (2004) 190pp [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-by-linda-s-frey-marsha-l-frey.jsp online edition], conservative approach
* Frey, Linda S. and Marsha L. Frey. ''The French Revolution.'' (2004) 190pp [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-by-linda-s-frey-marsha-l-frey.jsp online edition], conservative approach
* Furet, François. ''The French Revolution, 1770-1814'' (1996) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-1770-1814-History-France/dp/0631202994/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197704970&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search], by the leading French conservative scholars
* Furet, François. ''The French Revolution, 1770-1814'' (1996) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-1770-1814-History-France/dp/0631202994/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197704970&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search], by the leading French conservative scholars
* Furet, François and Mona Ozouf, eds. ''A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution'' (1989), 1120pp; long essays by scholars; conservative perspective; stress on history of ideas [http://www.amazon.com/Critical-Dictionary-French-Revolution/dp/0674177282/ref=sr_1_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189497174&sr=8-2 excerpt and online search from Amazon.com], by the leading French conservative scholars
* Furet, François and Mona Ozouf, eds. ''A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution'' (1989), 1120pp; long essays by scholars; conservative perspective; stress on history of ideas [http://www.amazon.com/Critical-Dictionary-French-Revolution/dp/0674177282/ref=sr_1_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189497174&sr=8-2 excerpt and online search from Amazon.com], by the leading French conservative scholars
* Griffith, Paddy. ''The Art of War of Revolutionary France 1789-1802,'' (1998); 304 pp; [http://www.amazon.com/Art-War-Revolutionary-France-1789-1802/dp/1853673358/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705004&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Jones, Colin. ''The Longman Companion to the French Revolution'' (1989)
* Jones, Colin. ''The Longman Companion to the French Revolution'' (1989)
* Jones, Colin. ''The Great Nation: France from Louis XV to Napoleon'' (2002) [http://www.amazon.com/Great-Nation-Napoleon-Penguin-History/dp/0140130934/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705067&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Jones, Colin. ''The Great Nation: France from Louis XV to Napoleon'' (2002) [http://www.amazon.com/Great-Nation-Napoleon-Penguin-History/dp/0140130934/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705067&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Palmer, Robert R. ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800.'' (2 vol 1959), highly influential comparative history; [http://www.questia.com/read/22790906 vol 1 online]
* Palmer, Robert R. ''The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800.'' (2 vol 1959), highly influential comparative history; [http://www.questia.com/read/22790906 vol 1 online]
* Paxton, John. ''Companion to the French Revolution'' (1987), hundreds of short entries.
* Paxton, John. ''Companion to the French Revolution'' (1987), hundreds of short entries.
* Rude, George F. and Harvey J. Kaye. ''Revolutionary Europe, 1783-1815'' (2000), scholarly survey [http://www.amazon.com/Revolutionary-Europe-Blackwell-Classic-Histories/dp/0631221905/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705215&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Schroeder, Paul. ''The Transformation of European Politics, 1763-1848.'' 1996; Thorough coverage of diplomatic history; hostile to Napoleon; [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-transformation-of-european-politics-1763-1848-by-paul-w-schroeder.jsp online edition]
* Schwab, Gail M., and John R. Jeanneney, eds. ''The French Revolution of 1789 and Its Impact'' (1995) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-of-1789-and-its-impact-by-john-r-jeanneney-gail-m-schwab.jsp online edition]
* Schwab, Gail M., and John R. Jeanneney, eds. ''The French Revolution of 1789 and Its Impact'' (1995) [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-of-1789-and-its-impact-by-john-r-jeanneney-gail-m-schwab.jsp online edition]
* Scott, Samuel F. and Barry Rothaus. ''Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789-1799'' (2 vol 1984), short essays by scholars
* Scott, Samuel F. and Barry Rothaus. ''Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789-1799'' (2 vol 1984), short essays by scholars
* Schama, Simon. ''Citizens. A Chronicle of the French Revolution'' (1989), highly readable narrative by scholar [http://www.amazon.com/Citizens-Simon-Schama/dp/0141017279/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705186&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Schama, Simon. ''Citizens. A Chronicle of the French Revolution'' (1989), highly readable narrative by scholar [http://www.amazon.com/Citizens-Simon-Schama/dp/0141017279/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1197705186&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Sutherland, D.M.G. ''France 1789–1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2003, 430pp [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Empire-Quest-Civic/dp/0631233636/ref=sr_1_1/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189597597&sr=1-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]
* Sutherland, D.M.G. ''France 1789–1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2003, 430pp [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Empire-Quest-Civic/dp/0631233636/ref=sr_1_1/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189597597&sr=1-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]
===Historiography===
* Censer, Jack R. "Amalgamating the Social in the French Revolution." ''Journal of Social History 2003'' 37(1): 145-150. Issn: 0022-4529 Fulltext: in [[Project Muse]] and [[Ebsco]]
* Dunne, John. "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition]
* Kates, Gary. ''The French Revolution'' (2nd ed. 2005), 308pp; essays by scholars; [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0415358329/ref=sib_dp_pop_bc/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&p=S08O#reader-link excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]
* Lefebvre, Georges. ''The French Revolution'' (2 vol 1957) classic Marxist synthesis. [http://www.questia.com/library/book/the-french-revolution-vol-1-by-georges-lefebvre-elizabeth-moss-evanson.jsp complete online edition vol 1]; also [http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/0231085982/ref=sib_dp_pt/103-4827826-5463040#reader-link excerpt and online search from Amazon.com]
* Rothenberg, Gunther E. "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon," ''Journal of Interdisciplinary History,'' Vol. 18, No. 4, (Spring, 1988), pp. 771-793 [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-1953%28198821%2918%3A4%3C771%3ATOCAEO%3E2.0.CO%3B2-N in JSTOR]
==External links==
* [http://webspace.qmul.ac.uk/cdhjones/greatnationbibliography.html detailed bibliography from Colin Jones, ''The Great Nation'' (2002)]
==References==
====References====
<references/>
<references/>
== See also ==
== See also ==
* [[Edmund Burke]]
*[[Alexis de Tocqueville]]
* [[Alexis de Tocqueville]]
* [[Louis XVI]]
* [[Republicanism]]
[[Category:French Revolution| ]]
[[Category:French Revolution| ]]
[[Category:French History]]
[[Category:French History]]