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| | In 1892, Gladstone was re-elected Prime Minister for the fourth and final time. The following year he introduced his second Home Rule Bill. It passed by a small majority in the Commons, but then was defeated in the Lords. | | In 1892, Gladstone was re-elected Prime Minister for the fourth and final time. The following year he introduced his second Home Rule Bill. It passed by a small majority in the Commons, but then was defeated in the Lords. |
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| − | Soon after, with his eyesight and hearing failing him, Gladstone resigned at the age of 84. He would make one more speech in 1896 to denounce the [[Armenian atrocities]], but died in 1898 at the age of 88. He was given a state funeral and buried in [[Westminster Abbey]].
| + | ==The Irish question== |
| | + | The third and final phase of his career was devoted to the Irish question. He sought repeatedly to pass a [[home rule]] bill but failed in 1886 and 1893. In 1869, however, he disestablished the [[Church of Ireland]] (that is the Protestant Anglican Church of the landowners, not the Catholic Church of the peasants), so that taxes were no longer collected for the Church. In 1870 he began to deal with the [[land tenure]] question. The [[Irish Land Act of 1870]] gave some security to Irish tenant farmers by preventing arbitrary eviction and giving the tenants financial rights to improvements they made. The agricultural depression of the 1870s soured the mood, and [[Charles Stewart Parnell]] set up the [[Irish Land League]] that used [[boycott]]s and violence against the landlords. Gladstone's Land Act of 1881, called the “Magna Carta” of the Irish farmer, recognized the three F’s (fair rent, fixity of tenure, and freedom of sale) and provided a land commission to determine what was a "fair rent." The [[Ashbourne Act of 1885]] and supplementary acts of 1887 and 1891 provided a loan fund of many millions of pounds for tenants who wished to purchase their lands. Parnell mastered the arts of [[filibuster]]ing and parliamentary obstruction with 86 solid votes from Irish Nationalist MPs in Parliament he controlled. They were elected thanks to Gladstone's [[Third Reform Bill of 1884]], which greatly extended the franchise and for the first time treated Ireland and Great Britain on equal terms, thus tripling the Irish electorate. Parnell's MP's brought down Gladstone's second government in June of 1885; he was replaced by the Conservatives under [[Lord Salisbury]]. |
| | + | ====Home Rule Bill of 1886 ==== |
| | + | The Irish land proposals in Gladstone's first [[Home Rule Bill of 1886]] was an unexpected shock to his supporters and brought down his third government in a matter of months. The bill gave all owners of Irish land a chance to sell to the [[state]] at a price equal to 20 years' purchase of the [[rent]]s and allowing [[tenant]]s to purchase the land. [[Republicanism#Ireland|Irish nationalist]] reaction was mixed, [[Ulster Unionism|Unionist]] opinion was hostile, and the election addresses during the 1886 election revealed English radicals to be against the bill also. Among the Liberal rank and file, several Gladstonian candidates disowned the bill, reflecting fears at the constituency level that the interests of the working people were being sacrificed to finance a rescue operation for the landed elite.<ref> Graham D. Goodlad, "The Liberal Party and Gladstone's Land Purchase Bill of 1886.'' ''Historical Journal'' 1989 32(3): 627-641. Issn: 0018-246x Fulltext: [http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0018-246X%28198909%2932%3A3%3C627%3ATLPAGL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1 in Jstor]]</ref> |
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| | + | Meanwhile serious confrontations continued between the the local magistrates (who represented the Protestant landowners) and the Irish National League, which replaced the suppressed [[National Land League]], and told tenants to withhold rents from extortionate [[landlord]]s. The Irish question transformed politics in Britain and was not finally settled until the 1920s. |
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| | + | ==Retirement and personality== |
| | + | Gladstone's long marriage (1839-1898) to Catherine Gladstone (1812-1900) reveals an ideal helpmeet and ideal Victorian wife, She was also motivated by a sense of mission; this led her to censor information her husband received, which kept him unaware of the true nature of public opinion, and her strong opposition to retirement, which kept Gladstone in office longer than he or his colleagues desired. |
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| | + | Gladstone never appreciated the intensity of opinion in Protestant Ulster in the north of Ireland not the refusal of the British ruling class, then at the zenith of its wealth and pride, to make concessions to terrorists and boycotters. The right wing of his party was outraged at being ordered by its leader to dismember the heart of the Empire through Home Rule for Ireland; and the left wing was equally outraged at seeing its demands for social reform postponed time and again because Gladstone refused to concentrate upon more than one subject at a time. This last phase of Gladstone's career plunged Britain into political ferment. But the Liberal Party was so completely dominated by his personality that his leadership remained unshaken after the right wing, calling themselves "Liberal Unionists," revolted and joined the Conservatives in opposing Home Rule, and after the radicals resigned from the government in protest against Gladstone's refusal to support social reform. Nevertheless, the Liberal Party's future was prejudiced by its leader's intransigence. Many people felt that an ability to compromise and to act as the prudent chairman of a board would have been a more valuable quality in a prime minister. |
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| | + | Gladstone retired in 1894 when he was 84 years old, after his fourth and last cabinet had revolted unanimously against his leadership. He had refused his consent to a modest increase in the Naval estimates and had called his colleagues "criminals" to their faces. That pathetic close to a great career was made more unhappy by his unkind reception at his final interview with Queen Victoria, when her longstanding dislike of him was made apparent. He brooded over it constantly and was inclined to attribute it to foul and lying stories carried to her ears by his enemies about his noble and selfless rescue work, performed one night a week throughout the whole of his life, among street-walking prostitutes in London. |
| | + | ===Psyche=== |
| | + | Gladstone, who enjoyed superb health, was a beautifully proportioned man and a most impressive figure even in extreme old age. He was capable occasionally of unconscious self-deception, and his sense of humor, like his sense of proportion, was capricious; but he displayed always an extraordinary modesty and a delightful, old-world courtesy. His writings, which are mostly upon classical subjects with a strong religious undertone, are unlikely ever again to be widely read. He repeatedly tried to prove, for example, that the ancient Greeks were as much a chosen people as the Jews and that Homer had been inspired by God to foreshadow the Trinity. His speeches, although marvelously effective at the time of their delivery, are not of the highest or most enduring quality. They do not appeal like the Earl of Chatham's to elemental passions or like Edmund Burke's to elemental principles, and they contain few passages which gleam in the memory or which would be likely to bring a sparkle into the eye of a declaiming schoolchild. Deprived of the magic of his voice and gestures, the characteristic note of the printed texts is an expression of intellectualized sentiment. |
| | + | ===Death=== |
| | + | Gladstone died at Hawarden Castle in Flintshire, Wales, on May 19, 1898, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. He was survived for two years by his widow (Catherine Glynne), a much loved member of an aristocratic Whig family who had inherited the Hawarden property where her husband sank his roots. It was an ideally happy marriage, and it was widely appreciated that the Gladstones had lived their personal lives on a much more exalted and austere plane than that of their political contemporaries. |
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| | + | ==Evaluation== |
| | + | In the office of prime minister, which he held four times and for more than 13 years, Gladstone's achievement was splendid, but lesser individuals have been better fitted temperamentally for that office. He was too intent upon ideas to pay sufficient attention to persons, and upon great ends to take sufficient care of irksome means. Like Peel, Gladstone was actuated by a strong sense of public duty and viewed the party as performing a supportive role for its leader's promotion of policies in the public interest. More than Peel, Gladstone viewed himself as a national leader inspired by a political - even quasi-religious - mission and sought encouragement and validation through electoral and other appeals to the public conscience. These appeals frequently put Gladstone at odds with the Liberal Party, which he nevertheless masterfully controlled for almost thirty years. |
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| | + | In the last analysis, however, what Gladstone was is of vastly greater significance than what he did. If by ignoring human weaknesses he allowed the best cause to become the enemy of the good, he did more by his example than any political leader in modern times to give effect, in his private and public life, to the spirit of the Gospel message. In its service he started as the foe, became the agent, and ended as the prophet of the liberal experiment. |
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| | + | ===Gladstone and Disraeli=== |
| | + | Writers have often exaggerated the political and especially the personal antagonism between the two men. In the 1830s they were both Tory members of Parliament with similar views, and they did not clash directly over fiscal policy until 1852. Gladstone mistrusted Disraeli and questioned his motives but greatly admired his oratory and literary skill. Disraeli appreciated Gladstone's talents and in the 1850s tried to persuade him to rejoin the Conservatives. From 1858 to 1868 one or the other was Chancellor of the Exchequer (which helped make it a visible and powerful office), and from 1868 to 1885 one or the other was Prime Minister. As rival party leaders in the 1860s and early 1870s, they clashed routinely in the Commons, but they also praised each other and had cordial contacts outside Parliament. Their political relations deteriorated in the later 1870s, which led to ill will that was briefly expressed in public. They continued to be fascinated by each other until they died. Gladstone was shocked by Disraeli's death and denied that there had been any personal hatred between them. The two men misunderstood but genuinely admired each other.<ref> Roland Quinault, "Gladstone and Disraeli: a Reappraisal of Their Relationship." ''History'' 2006 91(4): 557-576. Issn: 0018-2648 </ref> |
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| | ==Beliefs and political values== | | ==Beliefs and political values== |
| | ===Laissez-faire policy=== | | ===Laissez-faire policy=== |