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| | Hospital care has improved greatly over earlier times due to the work of [[Louis Pasteur]] on germ theory and [[Joseph Lister]] who implemented [[antiseptic]] cleaning. | | Hospital care has improved greatly over earlier times due to the work of [[Louis Pasteur]] on germ theory and [[Joseph Lister]] who implemented [[antiseptic]] cleaning. |
| | ==Early American hospitals== | | ==Early American hospitals== |
| − | In the Thirteen Colonies, almshouse infirmaries sometimes developed into public general hospitals (for example, Philadelphia General Hospital opened as the infirmary of an almshouse in 1732; Bellevue in New York began as the hospital ward of the public workhouse in 1736). | + | In 1639, three Augustinian nuns from Dieppe, France, established North America's first hospital, the Hôtel-Dieu in Quebec City. |
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| | + | In the [[Thirteen Colonies]] that became the United States, almshouse infirmaries sometimes developed into public general hospitals (for example, Philadelphia General Hospital opened as the infirmary of an almshouse in 1732; Bellevue in New York began as the hospital ward of the public workhouse in 1736). |
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| | The Pennsylvania Hospital in Philadelphia, which opened in 1751 under the sponsorship of [[Benjamin Franklin]] and the physician Thomas Bond, was the first permanent British-American institution created solely for the care of the sick. | | The Pennsylvania Hospital in Philadelphia, which opened in 1751 under the sponsorship of [[Benjamin Franklin]] and the physician Thomas Bond, was the first permanent British-American institution created solely for the care of the sick. |
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| | During the Ciivl War the U.S. Army created a very large network of hospitals. Mower General Hospital, constructed by the US Army in the Chestnut Hill district of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, was the largest general hospital created to serve Northern wounded during the Civil War. Built in 1862, the hospital was demolished in 1865. Three military hospitals built in the small Vermont cities of Brattleboro, Burlington, and Montpelier during the Civil War. They represent the expansion of general hospitals, as opposed to post hospitals that cared for soldiers near the battlefield, and the growing number of these hospitals in "remote" locations, away from Washington, D.C. Illustrations show their vast size and capacity. These hospitals provided rehabilitation and long-term care for physically and emotionally wounded soldiers and helped return them to active duty as soon as possible - which was particularly important when military strength dwindled in the latter years of the war.<ref>Nancy E. Boone and Michael Sherman, "Designed to Cure: Civil War Hospitals in Vermont". ''Vermont History'' 2001 69(1-2): 173-200. 0042-4161 </ref> | | During the Ciivl War the U.S. Army created a very large network of hospitals. Mower General Hospital, constructed by the US Army in the Chestnut Hill district of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, was the largest general hospital created to serve Northern wounded during the Civil War. Built in 1862, the hospital was demolished in 1865. Three military hospitals built in the small Vermont cities of Brattleboro, Burlington, and Montpelier during the Civil War. They represent the expansion of general hospitals, as opposed to post hospitals that cared for soldiers near the battlefield, and the growing number of these hospitals in "remote" locations, away from Washington, D.C. Illustrations show their vast size and capacity. These hospitals provided rehabilitation and long-term care for physically and emotionally wounded soldiers and helped return them to active duty as soon as possible - which was particularly important when military strength dwindled in the latter years of the war.<ref>Nancy E. Boone and Michael Sherman, "Designed to Cure: Civil War Hospitals in Vermont". ''Vermont History'' 2001 69(1-2): 173-200. 0042-4161 </ref> |
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| − | About 21,000 women served in Union hospitals. One in ten was black; they worked as laundresses and cooks (rather than as nurses or matrons). Most Union hospitals were built in cities. Confederates used mostly makeshift facilities in private residences, and were operated by upper class women "matrons." Despite the local nature of their service, Southern women generally met with more resistance than Northern ones from men who thought hospital work to be inappropriate for "ladies." It took the image of English woman [[Florence Nightengale]] and American [[Clara Barton]] to change make the role of the woman nurse generally acceptable. | + | About 21,000 women served in Union hospitals. One in ten was black; they worked as laundresses and cooks (rather than as nurses or matrons). Most Union hospitals were built in cities. Confederates used mostly makeshift facilities in private residences, and were operated by upper class women "matrons." For example, Juliet Opie Hopkins, the wife of a wealthy Alabama businessman, organized and ran three hospitals in Richmond, Virginia, despite chronic shortages of medicine and other necessary supplies. Despite the local nature of their service, Southern women generally met with more resistance than Northern ones from men who thought hospital work to be inappropriate for "ladies." It took the image of English woman [[Florence Nightengale]] and American [[Clara Barton]] to change make the role of the woman nurse generally acceptable. |
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| | After the war veteran's care became a major activity. | | After the war veteran's care became a major activity. |
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| | ==Expanded role== | | ==Expanded role== |
| | Gradually the public image of the hospital changed, so that instead of being the hospice for the sick poor, it became the diagnostic and treatment center for all classes. The number of private or semiprivate rooms steadily increased. St. Vincent's Hospital in New York, founded in 1849, was among the first to provide private rooms, but there was at first little demand (the original Hopkins plans provided for only twenty-six pay beds). Since the mid-20th century, private and semiprivate rooms have predominated and influenced hospital architecture. Other additions since the 1873 hospital survey were scientific laboratories and special therapy areas, which began to appear in 1889 when Lankenau Hospital in Philadelphia and the Johns Hopkins introduced bacteriological and chemical laboratories. | | Gradually the public image of the hospital changed, so that instead of being the hospice for the sick poor, it became the diagnostic and treatment center for all classes. The number of private or semiprivate rooms steadily increased. St. Vincent's Hospital in New York, founded in 1849, was among the first to provide private rooms, but there was at first little demand (the original Hopkins plans provided for only twenty-six pay beds). Since the mid-20th century, private and semiprivate rooms have predominated and influenced hospital architecture. Other additions since the 1873 hospital survey were scientific laboratories and special therapy areas, which began to appear in 1889 when Lankenau Hospital in Philadelphia and the Johns Hopkins introduced bacteriological and chemical laboratories. |
| − | ===Religious hospitals=== | + | ===Ethnic and religious hospitals=== |
| | Although they assisted in founding wartime hospitals during 1863-65, Alabama Baptist involvement in the medical field began in earnest in 1905. Their efforts came to fruition in 1922, when the Alabama Baptist Hospital in Selma and the Birmingham Baptist Hospital opened. Other hospitals followed throughout the rest of the 20th century.<ref>Jennifer Blair, "Baptists Minister Through Hospitals." ''Alabama Baptist Historian'' 2001 37(2): 66-69. 0002-4147 </ref> | | Although they assisted in founding wartime hospitals during 1863-65, Alabama Baptist involvement in the medical field began in earnest in 1905. Their efforts came to fruition in 1922, when the Alabama Baptist Hospital in Selma and the Birmingham Baptist Hospital opened. Other hospitals followed throughout the rest of the 20th century.<ref>Jennifer Blair, "Baptists Minister Through Hospitals." ''Alabama Baptist Historian'' 2001 37(2): 66-69. 0002-4147 </ref> |
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| | For example, Lewiston, Maine's first public hospital became a reality in 1889 when the Sisters of Charity of Montreal, the "Grey Nuns," opened the doors of the Asylum of Our Lady of Lourdes. This hospital was central to the Grey Nuns' mission of providing social services for Lewiston's predominately French Canadian mill workers. The Grey Nuns struggled to establish their institution despite meager financial resources, language barriers, and opposition from the largely Protestant established medical community.<ref> Susan Hudson, "Les Soeurs Grises of Lewiston, Maine 1878-1908: An Ethnic Religious Feminist Expression." ''Maine History'' 2001-02 40(4): 309-332. 1090-5413 </ref> | | For example, Lewiston, Maine's first public hospital became a reality in 1889 when the Sisters of Charity of Montreal, the "Grey Nuns," opened the doors of the Asylum of Our Lady of Lourdes. This hospital was central to the Grey Nuns' mission of providing social services for Lewiston's predominately French Canadian mill workers. The Grey Nuns struggled to establish their institution despite meager financial resources, language barriers, and opposition from the largely Protestant established medical community.<ref> Susan Hudson, "Les Soeurs Grises of Lewiston, Maine 1878-1908: An Ethnic Religious Feminist Expression." ''Maine History'' 2001-02 40(4): 309-332. 1090-5413 </ref> |
| − | ===Children's hospitals=== | + | |
| | + | Chicago's rival Jewish communities built two major hospitals. The German Jews, many of them successful businessmen who arrived in the 1850s, built Michael Reese Hospital in the 1880s. Later the poorer Orthodox Jews from Russia established Maimonides Hospital (later renamed Mount Sinai) in 1912.<ref> Steven M. Schwartz, Strong Medicine. Chicago History 1999 28(1): 4-25. 0272-8540 </ref> |
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| | + | For three decades, the Taborian Hospital and the Friendship Clinic in Mound Bayou, Mississippi, provided quality medical care to thousands of poor blacks, without help from either the federal or state governments. Fraternal orders established both clinics in the 1940s as an alternative to [[Jim Crow]] humiliations. Ironically, segregation helped these establishments prosper by providing a ready market. By the 1960s, however, a combination of circumstances made this kind of "self-help" care unviable. Medicare and Medicaid, along with the demise of segregation, made it possible for poor Delta residents to choose health care facilities with more modern equipment. State regulations also became too burdensome for small, underfinanced facilities. Migration took its toll as well, as black families left the Delta for better opportunity in Memphis and Chicago.<ref>David T. Beito, "Black Fraternal Hospitals in the Mississippi Delta, 1942-1967". ''Journal of Southern History'' 1999 65(1): 109-140. 0022-4642 </ref> |
| | + | ===Childbirth and children=== |
| | + | Before 1920, many women of all social classes delivered their babies at home. This continued into the 1940s in the rural South, where midwives handled the deliveries. However, as doctors became aware of the problematic spread of bacteria and germs, they realized they could not create a sterile environment in a house and began urging families to go to modern hospitals where they promised the women good treatment, excellent food, pain-free births, and excellent, professional attention from nurses.<ref> Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Strange Young Women on Errands': Obstetric Nursing between Two Worlds". ''Nursing History Review'' 1998 6: 3-24. 1062-8061 |
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| | The changing ideas about the treatment of children can be explored through the architecture of pediatric hospitals in Montreal and Toronto from 1875 to 2000. Hospital architecture reveals three distinct phases in the structuring of medical care spaces for children as patients. Late-19th- and early-20th-century children's hospitals remained bastions of older spatial attitudes toward health, while the post-World War I hospital was self-consciously modern, with an arrangement more scientific and institutional than its predecessor. Through references to other typologies, the postmodern hospital marks a return to the earlier attitude that children's health is a family affair.<ref> Annmarie Adams and David Theodore, "Designing For 'The Little Convalescents': Children's Hospitals in Toronto and Montreal, 1875-2000." ''Canadian Bulletin of Medical History'' 2002 19(1): 201-243. 0823-2105 </ref> | | The changing ideas about the treatment of children can be explored through the architecture of pediatric hospitals in Montreal and Toronto from 1875 to 2000. Hospital architecture reveals three distinct phases in the structuring of medical care spaces for children as patients. Late-19th- and early-20th-century children's hospitals remained bastions of older spatial attitudes toward health, while the post-World War I hospital was self-consciously modern, with an arrangement more scientific and institutional than its predecessor. Through references to other typologies, the postmodern hospital marks a return to the earlier attitude that children's health is a family affair.<ref> Annmarie Adams and David Theodore, "Designing For 'The Little Convalescents': Children's Hospitals in Toronto and Montreal, 1875-2000." ''Canadian Bulletin of Medical History'' 2002 19(1): 201-243. 0823-2105 </ref> |
| | ===Technology=== | | ===Technology=== |
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| | * Opdycke, Sandra. ''No One Was Turned Away: The Role of Public | | * Opdycke, Sandra. ''No One Was Turned Away: The Role of Public |
| | Hospitals in New York City since 1900.'' (1999). 244 pp. | | Hospitals in New York City since 1900.'' (1999). 244 pp. |
| | + | * Risse, Guenter B. ''Mending Bodies, Saving Souls: A History of |
| | + | Hospitals.'' (1999). 716 pp. standard scholarly history |
| | * Schultz, Jane E. ''Women at the Front: Hospital Workers in Civil War America.'' (2004) 360pp. | | * Schultz, Jane E. ''Women at the Front: Hospital Workers in Civil War America.'' (2004) 360pp. |
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