| Line 30: |
Line 30: |
| | Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref> Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867 </Ref> | | Philip Weltner (1887-1981) was a major civic leader from the [[Progressive Movement|Progressive era of the early 20th century]] to the 1960s. A lawyer who was both a reformer of social ills and a shaper of welfare, higher education, and philanthropic programs in Georgia, Weltner preferred to remain anonymous, letting others take credit for efforts in which he played a significant role. Obtaining support from wealthy and influential men such as John Eagan, Joseph Logan, Marion Jackson, and Robert W. Woodruff, Weltner helped people better themselves in the areas of housing, health, labor conditions, prison life, and small farm enterprises. He helped establish and served on Georgia University System's Board of Regents and served as regional director of the Resettlement Administration. He also restored fiscal soundness to and gained accreditation for Oglethorpe University, where he was president for ten years.<ref> Noell Wannamaker, "'Mr. Anonymous, Jr.': Philip Weltner and Uplift from Progressivism to the Great Society." ''Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians'' 1995 16: 16-51. 0275-3867 </Ref> |
| | | | |
| − | [[File:Atl-5points.jpg|thumb|275px|Five Points in 1910]] | + | [[File:Atl-5points.jpg|thumb|350px|Five Points in 1910]] |
| | The Chamber of Commerce's monthly magazine "The City Builder" (1916-35) was used by boosters to define Atlanta's unique characteristics and to apply them to daily city life. Money, morality, idealism, and sanctification of the city became known collectively as "the Atlanta Spirit," which supposedly united all citizens in a fervor of boosterism. Local businessmen hoped to attract new industries and populations by these zealous appeals to civic pride, which included the black community. It published information about the labor force, particularly its skill, cleanliness, and docility, observing that the Blacks knew their place. Realizing that Atlanta was the center of the cotton economy, it promoted agricultural growth, improvement in farm productivity, modernization of the state education system, and extolled the talent of its businessmen.<ref> Charles Garofalo, "The Atlanta Spirit: A Study in Urban Ideology," ''South Atlantic Quarterly'' 1975 74(1): 34-44. 0038-2876 </ref> | | The Chamber of Commerce's monthly magazine "The City Builder" (1916-35) was used by boosters to define Atlanta's unique characteristics and to apply them to daily city life. Money, morality, idealism, and sanctification of the city became known collectively as "the Atlanta Spirit," which supposedly united all citizens in a fervor of boosterism. Local businessmen hoped to attract new industries and populations by these zealous appeals to civic pride, which included the black community. It published information about the labor force, particularly its skill, cleanliness, and docility, observing that the Blacks knew their place. Realizing that Atlanta was the center of the cotton economy, it promoted agricultural growth, improvement in farm productivity, modernization of the state education system, and extolled the talent of its businessmen.<ref> Charles Garofalo, "The Atlanta Spirit: A Study in Urban Ideology," ''South Atlantic Quarterly'' 1975 74(1): 34-44. 0038-2876 </ref> |
| | | | |
| Line 58: |
Line 58: |
| | =====Black entrepeneurs===== | | =====Black entrepeneurs===== |
| | The leading black entrepreneur was Heman Edward Perry, who developed major black business enterprises in segregated Atlanta during the first quarter of the 20th century. Perry arrived in Atlanta in 1908 after learning the insurance business in New York. He perceived that there were great possibilities for insurance sales in the black community. Perry quickly began an effort to raise funds to finance his Standard Life Insurance Company, which was state-chartered in 1913. This company proved profitable and Perry began to expand into other commercial enterprises, which included banking, printing, and construction. Through these enterprises, Perry initiated a substantial part of the business foundation of the modern black community in Atlanta. Even his subsequent failures did not diminish his major impact in broadening black enterprise and pride in Atlanta.<ref> Alexa Benson Henderson, "Heman E. Perry and Black Enterprise in Atlanta, 1908-1925." ''Business History Review'' 1987 61(2): 216-242. 0007-6805</ref> | | The leading black entrepreneur was Heman Edward Perry, who developed major black business enterprises in segregated Atlanta during the first quarter of the 20th century. Perry arrived in Atlanta in 1908 after learning the insurance business in New York. He perceived that there were great possibilities for insurance sales in the black community. Perry quickly began an effort to raise funds to finance his Standard Life Insurance Company, which was state-chartered in 1913. This company proved profitable and Perry began to expand into other commercial enterprises, which included banking, printing, and construction. Through these enterprises, Perry initiated a substantial part of the business foundation of the modern black community in Atlanta. Even his subsequent failures did not diminish his major impact in broadening black enterprise and pride in Atlanta.<ref> Alexa Benson Henderson, "Heman E. Perry and Black Enterprise in Atlanta, 1908-1925." ''Business History Review'' 1987 61(2): 216-242. 0007-6805</ref> |
| − | | + | [[File:At-blacks.jpg|thumb|270px]] |
| | By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow. | | By the 1920s, Auburn Avenue was already home to a wide range of black-owned and black-operated businesses, such as insurance companies, banks, a newspaper, barber and beauty shops, restaurants, grocery stores, photo studios, and funeral homes that provided African Americans the services denied them in the larger urban community. Freed from competition with white businessmen and assured the patronage of Atlanta's black community, many black entrepreneurs and their businesses prospered under Jim Crow. |
| | | | |
| Line 66: |
Line 66: |
| | | | |
| | The city was a stronghold of the New Deal, and blacks now switched from loyalty to the Republican party to the Democratic party, even though they could not yet vote. | | The city was a stronghold of the New Deal, and blacks now switched from loyalty to the Republican party to the Democratic party, even though they could not yet vote. |
| − |
| |
| − | [[File:At-blacks.jpg|thumb|270px]]
| |
| − |
| |
| | | | |
| | Women suffered from poverty and unemployment. A caste system based on a woman's race, age, and (sometimes) marital status determined the type of job she was likely to have. Statistics indicate that, generally, black women had greater difficulty in the job market and were employed as domestics, while white women held clerical positions.<ref> Julia Kirk Blackwelder, "Quiet Suffering: Atlanta Women in the 1930s," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1977 61(2): 112-124. 0016-8297 </ref> | | Women suffered from poverty and unemployment. A caste system based on a woman's race, age, and (sometimes) marital status determined the type of job she was likely to have. Statistics indicate that, generally, black women had greater difficulty in the job market and were employed as domestics, while white women held clerical positions.<ref> Julia Kirk Blackwelder, "Quiet Suffering: Atlanta Women in the 1930s," ''Georgia Historical Quarterly'' 1977 61(2): 112-124. 0016-8297 </ref> |
| | | | |
| | The spectacular premier in Atlanta of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''Gone With The Wind'' in December 1939 was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new stage in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South. It was a segregated event that attracted several hundred thousand spectators. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref> Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975 </ref> | | The spectacular premier in Atlanta of David O. Selznick's film version of Margaret Mitchell's novel ''Gone With The Wind'' in December 1939 was an unprecedented and unconventional success, marking both a new stage in film promotion and a milestone in Atlanta's efforts to remake itself as the capital of the New South. It was a segregated event that attracted several hundred thousand spectators. The best-selling novel and the top-selling film ever gave Atlanta a heroic image worldwide.<ref> Matthew Bernstein, "Selznick's March: The Atlanta Premiere of Gone With The Wind." ''Atlanta History'' 1999 43(2): 7-33. 0896-3975 </ref> |
| | + | |
| | + | [[File:At-5points-1935.jpg|thumb|325px|5 Points in 1935]] |
| | | | |
| | Prosperity returned in World War Two, as Atlanta became a major war center and was the location of major aircraft factories. | | Prosperity returned in World War Two, as Atlanta became a major war center and was the location of major aircraft factories. |