| | Lippmann was one of the founding editors of ''[[The New Republic]]'' magazine in 1913. Lippmann was an advisor to President [[Woodrow Wilson]] during [[World War I]], and assisted in the drafting of Wilson's ''[[Fourteen Points]]''. | | Lippmann was one of the founding editors of ''[[The New Republic]]'' magazine in 1913. Lippmann was an advisor to President [[Woodrow Wilson]] during [[World War I]], and assisted in the drafting of Wilson's ''[[Fourteen Points]]''. |
| | + | In the 1920s philosopher [[John Dewey]] (1859-1952) engaged in a major debate with Lippmann on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref> |
| | Lippmann had wide access to the nation's decision makers and had no sympathy for communism. But the [[Jacob Golos|Golos spy ring]] used [[Mary Price]], his secretary, to garner information on items Lippmann chose not to write about or names of Lippmann's sources, often not carried in stories, but of use to the [[MGB]]. | | Lippmann had wide access to the nation's decision makers and had no sympathy for communism. But the [[Jacob Golos|Golos spy ring]] used [[Mary Price]], his secretary, to garner information on items Lippmann chose not to write about or names of Lippmann's sources, often not carried in stories, but of use to the [[MGB]]. |
| − | Lippman was a treasured figure of secular and humanist [[liberal]]s, but if they were more consistent thinkers then they would have had reservations towards him because of his advocacy of Judao-Christian [[Natural Law]]<ref> ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', Morton White, [[Harvard University]] Press, 1959 p.112</ref>. For example, [[Noam Chomsky]] admired Lippmann's concept and phrase "manufacture of consent"<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=z8oJlTEoNUsC&pg=PA396&dq=%22Manufacture+of+Consent%22+Lippman#PPA397,M1 ''Chomsky on democracy & education''], Noam Chomsky, Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0415926319, 9780415926317, 480 pages, p.397</ref> and so titled his 1986 pamphlet<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=hd2GGAAACAAJ ''The Manufacture of Consent''], Noam Chomsky, Silha Center for the Study of Media Ethics and Law, University of Minnesota, 1986 </ref>. Shortly thereafter in 1988 Chomsky co-wrote and published ''Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media'' with fellow liberal Edward S. Herman.
| + | Starting as a Socialist, Lippmann moved right through most of his life, becoming a conservative y the 1930s and an advocate of [[Natural Law]]<ref> ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', Morton White, [[Harvard University]] Press, 1959 p.112</ref>. For example, [[Noam Chomsky]] admired Lippmann's concept and phrase "manufacture of consent"<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=z8oJlTEoNUsC&pg=PA396&dq=%22Manufacture+of+Consent%22+Lippman#PPA397,M1 ''Chomsky on democracy & education''], Noam Chomsky, Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0415926319, 9780415926317, 480 pages, p.397</ref> and so titled his 1986 pamphlet<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=hd2GGAAACAAJ ''The Manufacture of Consent''], Noam Chomsky, Silha Center for the Study of Media Ethics and Law, University of Minnesota, 1986 </ref>. Shortly thereafter in 1988 Chomsky co-wrote and published ''Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media'' with fellow liberal Edward S. Herman. |