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'''Walter Lippmann'''  (September 23, 1889 - December 14, 1974), was an American journalist and commentator.  Lippmann was highly respected in his day.

'''Walter Lippmann'''<ref> His name is often misspelled with only one 'N'.</ref> (1889 - 1974), was an American journalist and commentator.  Starting as a socialist he moved steadily to the right throughout his career, and was a conservative critic of the [[New Deal]].  He was the most influential journalist in America from the 1920s to the 1960s because of his honesty and fairness, his forceful writing style, his relationship with major politicians, and - despite his changing views - his conservatism and belief in using the balance of power as a means for maintaining peace. Although he was a member of the inner cirlcle of the "establishment," he opposed every president from Theodore Roosevelt to Richard Nixon.  

Lippmann began attending [[Harvard University]] at the age of 17 and under [[George Santayana]], [[William James]], and [[Graham Wallas]]. He concentrated on [[philosophy]] and [[languages]], spoke [[German]] and [[French]], and graduated in three years.  

Lippmann attended Harvard College, where he studied with the leading philosophers of the day, including [[George Santayana]], [[William James]], and [[Graham Wallas]]. His first job was helping muckraker [[Lincoln Steffens]] on Everybody's  Magazine. He became active in the [[Socialist party]] and was one of the founding editors of ''[[The New Republic]]'' magazine in 1913.

Lippmann was one of the founding editors of ''[[The New Republic]]'' magazine in 1913.  Lippmann was an advisor to President [[Woodrow Wilson]] during [[World War I]], and assisted in the drafting of Wilson's ''[[Fourteen Points]]''.

He agreed with [[Theodore Roosevelt]] that the purpose of diplomacy not to attempt the  impossible but to deal realistically with the existing balance of power. During World War I he was a staff assistant to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker, and a special  adviser to [[Colonel House]], President [[Woodrow Wilson]]’s top foreign policy advisor.  Lippmann helped draft Wilson’s [[Fourteen Points]] in 1918, which became the basis for ending the war and restructuring world affairs at the [[Paris Peace Conference]] in 1919, where he was advisor to House. In the 1920s he was editor of the influential newspaper the ''New  York World'', and sharply criticized the foreign policy of Harding and Coolidge for ignoring the League of Nations.

==Public Opinion==

==Public Opinion==

In the 1920s philosopher [[John Dewey]] (1859-1952) engaged in a major debate with Lippmann on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref>

In the 1920s philosopher [[John Dewey]] (1859-1952) engaged in a major debate with Lippmann on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref>

==Politics==

==Politics==

Lippmann had wide access to the nation's decision makers and had no sympathy for communism. But the [[Jacob Golos|Golos spy ring]] used [[Mary Price]], his secretary, to garner information on items Lippmann chose not to write about or names of Lippmann's sources, often not carried in stories, but of use to the [[MGB]].

In 1937 Lippmann attacked President Franklin D. Roosevelt's plan to reorganize the Supreme Court, which reflected Lippmann's growing criticism of the New Deal. Although he originally supported Roosevelt's policies, Lippmann felt that the president was placing the American constitutional system in danger by setting illegal precedents.<ref> Frederic Krome, "From Liberal Philosophy to Conservative Ideology? Walter Lippmann's Opposition to the New Deal" ''Journal of American Culture'' 1987 10(1): 57-64. 0191-1813 </ref>

==Cold War==

==Cold War==

Lippmann is accredited with popularizing the phrase "[[Cold War]]" to describe the breakdown of the [[World War II]] [[Allied Powers]] alliance and the growing post-war tensions.

Lippmann is accredited with popularizing the phrase "[[Cold War]]" to describe the breakdown of the [[World War II]] [[Allied Powers]] alliance and the growing post-war tensions. Although he opposed Communism<ref> The [[Jacob Golos|Golos spy ring]] used [[Mary Price]], his secretary, to garner information on items Lippmann chose not to write about or names of Lippmann's sources, often not carried in stories, but of use to the [[MGB]].</ref> he adopted a "realist" position in foreign policy in the 1940s and opposed idealistic goals such as [[Wilsonianism]]-- even though he had been a leading advocate of idealism in 1917-1918. He was distrustful of globalism or excessive involvements around the world.  In the 1960s he was an articulate opponent on the [[War in Vietnam]], saying it weakened America's ability to fight the true Soviet adversary.<ref> Fredrik Logevall, "First Among Critics: Walter Lippmann and the Vietnam War." ''Journal of American-East Asian Relations'' 1995 4 (4): 351-375.</ref>

==Conservatism==

==Conservatism==

Starting as a Socialist, Lippmann moved right through most of his life, becoming a conservative y the 1930s and an advocate of [[Natural Law]]<ref> ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', Morton White, [[Harvard University]] Press, 1959 p.112</ref>.  For example, [[Noam Chomsky]] admired Lippmann's concept and phrase "manufacture of consent"<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=z8oJlTEoNUsC&pg=PA396&dq=%22Manufacture+of+Consent%22+Lippman#PPA397,M1 ''Chomsky on democracy & education''], Noam Chomsky, Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0415926319, 9780415926317, 480 pages, p.397</ref> and so titled his 1986 pamphlet<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=hd2GGAAACAAJ ''The Manufacture of Consent''], Noam Chomsky, Silha Center for the Study of Media Ethics and Law, University of Minnesota, 1986 </ref>. Shortly thereafter in 1988 Chomsky co-wrote and published ''Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media'' with fellow liberal Edward S. Herman.

Starting as a Socialist, Lippmann moved right through most of his life, becoming a conservative in the 1930s and an advocate of [[Natural Law]]<ref> ''Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning'', Morton White, [[Harvard University]] Press, 1959 p.112</ref>.   

==References==

==References==

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