Changes

Lippmann attended Harvard College, where he studied with the leading philosophers of the day, including [[George Santayana]], [[William James]], and [[Graham Wallas]]. His first job was helping muckraker [[Lincoln Steffens]] on ''Everybody's  Magazine''. He became active in the [[Socialist party]] and was one of the founding editors of ''[[The New Republic]]'' magazine in 1913.   

Lippmann attended Harvard College, where he studied with the leading philosophers of the day, including [[George Santayana]], [[William James]], and [[Graham Wallas]]. His first job was helping muckraker [[Lincoln Steffens]] on ''Everybody's  Magazine''. He became active in the [[Socialist party]] and was one of the founding editors of ''[[The New Republic]]'' magazine in 1913.   

He agreed with [[Theodore Roosevelt]] that the purpose of diplomacy was not to attempt the  impossible but to deal realistically with the existing balance of power. During World War I he was a staff assistant to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker, and a special  adviser to [[Colonel House]], President [[Woodrow Wilson]]’s top foreign policy advisor.  Lippmann helped draft Wilson’s [[Fourteen Points]] in 1918, which became the basis for ending the war and restructuring world affairs at the [[Paris Peace Conference]] in 1919, where he was advisor to House. In the 1920s he was editorial page editor of the influential Democratic newspaper the ''New  York World'', and sharply criticized the foreign policy of Harding and Coolidge for ignoring the League of Nations.  When the ''World'' closed in 1931 he started his newspaper column ''Today and Tomorrow'' for the Republican paper the ''New York Herald Tribune''; it continued until 1967.

He agreed with [[Theodore Roosevelt]] that the purpose of diplomacy was not to attempt the  impossible but to deal realistically with the existing balance of power. During World War I he was a staff assistant to Secretary of War Newton D. Baker, and a special  adviser to [[Colonel House]], President [[Woodrow Wilson]]’s top foreign policy advisor.  Lippmann helped draft Wilson’s [[Fourteen Points]] in 1918, which became the basis for ending the war and restructuring world affairs at the [[Paris Peace Conference]] in 1919, where he was advisor to House. In the 1920s he was editorial page editor of the influential Democratic newspaper the ''New  York World'', and sharply criticized the foreign policy of Harding and Coolidge for ignoring the League of Nations.  When the ''World'' closed in 1931 he started his newspaper column ''Today and Tomorrow'' for the Republican paper the ''New York Herald Tribune''. It was syndicated to 200 dailies across the country and continued until 1967.

==Public Opinion==

==Public Opinion==

In the 1920s philosopher [[John Dewey]] (1859-1952) engaged in a major debate with Lippmann on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref>

In the 1920s philosopher [[John Dewey]] (1859-1952) engaged in a major debate with Lippmann on the impact of the technology on democracy. Both agreed that the communications revolution had created a large and more complex world, that political and social institutions had not kept pace with the changes wrought by technology, that the masses were more susceptible to propaganda, and that modernity threatened democracy. Their critiques diverge on solutions, especially whether or not democracy could be saved. While Lippmann saw the public as unredeemable and subject to mass manipulation, Dewey thought that more public involvement in socio-political affairs was needed and that tools of mass communication could be used to this end.<ref> Walter Lippmann, ''Public Opinion'' (1922) and ''The Phantom Public'' (1925); John Dewey, ''The Public and Its Problems'' (1927)</ref>