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Temporary seizures during an emergency is not usually considered nationalization.
After World War II socialist governments came to power in several countries and set about nationalizing heavy industry, especially coal. The goal was not efficiency but to put the union leaders (who had a loud voice in socialist parties) in a position to dictate terms for the benefit of the workers, rather than the nation as a whole. In no case were the workers put in control, though [[Tito]] talked of that in Yugoslavia.
The history of British nationalization began with 1) program formation during the 1930s and World War II; 2) widespread implementation in 1945-47; 3) scaled-back activities in 1947-51; 4) stagnation and program retreat in 1951-79; 5) privatization under [[Margaret Thatcher]]'s government after 1979-1990; 6) Labour acceptance of privitization under [[Tony Blair]].
The mobilization of the national economy during World War II was immediately followed by the ascendancy of the Labour Party from 1945 to 1951. The Labour platform of nationalization, planning, and creation of a welfare state was translated into the nationalization of transport, energy, and heavy industries, while other sectors of the economy were left untouched.
The postwar domestic model of the public corporation was generally followed; ideas of workers' control had no support. The debate over iron and steel in 1947, however, marked the start of a retreat for the idea of nationalization (. It confirmed the government's reluctance to move into manufacturing industry. Thereafter, there were no major new proposals until 1951, and the question did not return to the forefront of politics until after 1974. British nationalization operated in a very different political context and arose from somewhat different ideological roots than that in France or Austria for example, although in each country it was much affected by external financial pressures after 1945-51) .  The postwar nationalization of banks, transportation, and industry fell far short of the ideals of the leftist parties. Throughout the first half of the 20th century the British workers' movements were always in the foreground of those favoring nationalization, and were able to influence the platforms of the leftist parties.
From 1951 to 1979 Britain experienced an economic decline while nationalizations increased and the welfare state was expanded. Significantly, however, a number of denationalizations also occurred during this time.
Output in 1946 averaged 3,300,000 tons weekly. By summer 1946 it was clear that Britain was facing a coal shortage for the upcoming winter with stock piles 5 million tons too low. Nationalization exposed both a lack of preparation for public ownership and a failure to stabilize the industry in advance of the change. Also lacking were any significant incentives to maintain or increase coal production to meet demand.<ref>Mark Tookey, "Three's a Crowd? Government, Owners, and Workers During the Nationalization of the British Coalmining Industry 1945-47." ''Twentieth Century British History'' 2001 12(4): 486-510. Issn: 0955-2359 </ref>
In Eastern Europe, the Communist governments nationalized all the mines and factories after 1945.
In Eastern EuropeWest Germany did not nationalize industry after 1945, even though the Communist governments nationalized all Labour party in Britain favored it and Britain controlled much of the industrial region. The American military governor, General Lucius Clay, apart from a basic distaste for socialization, opposed nationalization of the coal mines after 1945and of other basic industries on pragmatic grounds. But it was not only the Americans who stopped socialization. During the federal election of 1949 its advocates could not offer a concept which was able to secure a national majority for their ideas, because of fears that they would hinder recovery. The ability to meet this concern - "Recovery Now!" - is what made neo-liberalism so appealing at the end of the forties.
Co-operation on coal trading was the impetus for forming the "European Coal and Steel Community" in 1951. Integrationists like French foreign minister Robert Schuman realized that coordinating the coal and steel markets of Germany, France, Italy and the Low Countries could lead to "spillover" in other policy areas; the ECSC indeed morphed into the [[EEC]] and [[European Union]].<ref> J. Gillingham, ''Coal, steel, and the rebirth of Europe, 1945-1955'' (1991); Derek W. Urwin, ''The Community of Europe: A History of European Integration since 1945.'' (1995)</ref>
==Further reading==
* Abromeit, Heidrun. ''British Steel: An Industry Between the State and the Private Sector.'' (1986). 328 pp.
* Ashworth, William. ''The History of the British Coal Industry, Volume 5, 1946-1982: The Nationalised Industry'' (1986)
* Foreman-Peck, James. ''Public and Private Ownership of British Industry, 1820-1990.'' (1994). 386 pp.