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| | The Grange generally avoided politics before 1900, but in 1881 it strongly opposed the nomination of Stanley Matthews (1824-89) to the U.S. Supreme Court, because his ties to the railroad industry could endanger state laws regulating freight rates. Matthews was confirmed in the Senate by a single vote after the Grange lobbied vigorously in opposition through its publications and its state organizations. | | The Grange generally avoided politics before 1900, but in 1881 it strongly opposed the nomination of Stanley Matthews (1824-89) to the U.S. Supreme Court, because his ties to the railroad industry could endanger state laws regulating freight rates. Matthews was confirmed in the Senate by a single vote after the Grange lobbied vigorously in opposition through its publications and its state organizations. |
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| − | Independent farmers in the northeast and California, led by Nahum Bachelder and the National Grange, were a significant force in the [[Progressive Movement]] of the early 20th century. Bachelder, a New Hampshire farmer, joined the Grange in 1877, and was Republican governor of New Hampshire in 1903 and 1904. Under his leadership the Grange grew from 285,000 dues-paying members in 1905 to one million members in 1911, and it wielded considerable influence with the Republican Party. The Grange's reputation suffered, however, from revelations in 1911 that two lobbyists had manipulated it. The Grange's influence declined quickly and Bachelder retired from it altogether.<ref>A. R. Riggs, and Tom Velk, New Hampshire Governor Nahum J. Bachelder and the Grange in Progressive Politics, 1905-1912. Historical New Hampshire; 2000 55(3-4): 76-89, </ref> | + | Independent farmers in the northeast and California, led by Nahum Bachelder and the National Grange, were a significant force in the [[Progressive Movement]] of the early 20th century. Bachelder, a New Hampshire farmer, joined the Grange in 1877, and was Republican governor of New Hampshire in 1903 and 1904. Under his leadership the Grange grew from 285,000 dues-paying members in 1905 to one million members in 1911, and it wielded considerable influence with the Republican Party. The Grange's reputation suffered, however, from revelations in 1911 that two lobbyists had manipulated it. The Grange's influence declined quickly and Bachelder retired from it altogether.<ref>A. R. Riggs, and Tom Velk, "New Hampshire Governor Nahum J. Bachelder and the Grange in Progressive Politics, 1905-1912," ''Historical New Hampshire'' 2000 55(3-4): 76-89, </ref> |
| | + | ==Women== |
| | + | Women actively participated in the Grange and the Farmers' Alliance. The farm women never challenged traditional sex roles. But many women insisted on joining their husbands in the struggle against the trusts and monopolies that they believed threatened their way of life. Though some local chapters of the Alliance and the Agricultural Wheel sought to exclude women, the female membership in other chapters was as high as 50%. Women understood the problems that farmers faced and realized better than men that internal divisions threatened the success of the agrarian movement.<ref>Connie L. Lester, "'Let Us Be up and Doing': Women in the Tennessee Movements for Agrarian Reform, 1870-1892," ''Tennessee Historical Quarterly'' 1995 54(2): 80-97, </ref> The Grange provided a social focal point for rural socializing, especially in the form of Saturday night square dancing, singing, quilting contests, picnics, and fairs. The Grange epitomized the pietistic Protestant culture of rural America, evidenced by its emphasis on such innocent recreations and its focus on temperance and virtuosity.<ref> |
| | + | Laurie Kay Sommers and Lee Ellen Friedland, "'Innocent Recreations': Music and Dance in the Michigan Grange," ''Michigan History'' 1994 78(4): 10-18, </ref> |
| | ==Since 1945== | | ==Since 1945== |
| | When [[Harry Truman]]'s Secretary of Agriculture Charles Brannan in 1949 proposed a plan of direct assistance to small farmers, he justified it by reasserting the importance of the small family farmer as the foundation of American democracy. However in the Grange small farmers opposed the plan because it too closely resembled welfare and would undermine their self image as independent [[yeomen]] and successful entrepreneurs. Brannan sought to protect the small farmer against competition from the large companies, but the plan was not accepted by Congress because farmers self-image would not allow for welfare.<ref> Karen J. Bradley, "Agrarian Ideology and Agricultural Policy: California Grangers and the Post-World War II Farm Policy Debate," ''Agricultural History'' 1995 69(2): 240-256, [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3744267 in JSTOR]</ref> | | When [[Harry Truman]]'s Secretary of Agriculture Charles Brannan in 1949 proposed a plan of direct assistance to small farmers, he justified it by reasserting the importance of the small family farmer as the foundation of American democracy. However in the Grange small farmers opposed the plan because it too closely resembled welfare and would undermine their self image as independent [[yeomen]] and successful entrepreneurs. Brannan sought to protect the small farmer against competition from the large companies, but the plan was not accepted by Congress because farmers self-image would not allow for welfare.<ref> Karen J. Bradley, "Agrarian Ideology and Agricultural Policy: California Grangers and the Post-World War II Farm Policy Debate," ''Agricultural History'' 1995 69(2): 240-256, [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3744267 in JSTOR]</ref> |
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| | ==Further reading== | | ==Further reading== |
| | + | * Marti, Donald B. ''Women of the Grange: Mutuality and Sisterhood in Rural America, 1866-1920'' (1991) |
| | * Schneiberg, Marc et al. "Social Movements and Organizational Form: Cooperative Alternatives to Corporations in the American Insurance, Dairy, and Grain Industries," ''American Sociological Review'' 2008 73(4): 635-667, theoretical essay | | * Schneiberg, Marc et al. "Social Movements and Organizational Form: Cooperative Alternatives to Corporations in the American Insurance, Dairy, and Grain Industries," ''American Sociological Review'' 2008 73(4): 635-667, theoretical essay |
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| | ====references==== | | ====references==== |
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