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[[Whittaker Chambers]] is best known for his public exposure of [[Alger Hiss]], the ranking official of the [[United States]] [[Department of State]] who participated materially in the creation of the [[United Nations]], as an agent of the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics]]. But toward the end of his life, Chambers served as senior editor of ''[[National Review]]''. In that capacity he wrote what stands today as the most infamous review ever written of ''Atlas Shrugged''. He titled this review, "Big Sister Is Watching You."<ref name=chambers>Chambers W, "Big Sister Is Watching You," ''National Review'', December 28, 1957. Hosted at National Review Online, published January 5, 2005. Accessed May 1, 2009. <http://www.nationalreview.com/flashback/flashback200501050715.asp></ref>

[[Whittaker Chambers]] is best known for his public exposure of [[Alger Hiss]], the ranking official of the [[United States]] [[Department of State]] who participated materially in the creation of the [[United Nations]], as an agent of the [[Union of Soviet Socialist Republics]]. But toward the end of his life, Chambers served as senior editor of ''[[National Review]]''. In that capacity he wrote what stands today as the most infamous review ever written of ''Atlas Shrugged''. He titled this review, "Big Sister Is Watching You."<ref name=chambers>Chambers W, "Big Sister Is Watching You," ''National Review'', December 28, 1957. Hosted at National Review Online, published January 5, 2005. Accessed May 1, 2009. <http://www.nationalreview.com/flashback/flashback200501050715.asp></ref>

Chambers considered the novel a caricature of the political situation in and of the [[United States]] in the year of publication. He assumed, perhaps as most readers do, that Rand intended to set the book at a time ''contemporary with its publication,'' though several important clues strongly suggest that the most logical time setting was at a time ''in the past'', and in a past that might have occurred, but never actually did. (See [[Atlas Shrugged#Time setting]] for details.) And so he believed Rand guilty of wild, unjustifiable exaggeration of the types of policies that [[liberal]] politicians were recommending (and in some jurisdictions, enacting) at the time, and of their deleterious effects.

Chambers considered the novel a caricature of the political situation in and of the [[United States]] in the year of publication. He assumed, perhaps correctly, that Rand intended to set the book at a time ''contemporary with its publication.'' (See [[Atlas Shrugged#Time setting]] for details.) And so he believed Rand guilty of wild, unjustifiable exaggeration of the types of policies that [[liberal]] politicians were recommending (and in some jurisdictions, enacting) at the time, and of their deleterious effects.

Turning to the novel's characters, he suggested that most of the businessmen depicted had all the hallmarks of eccentric and often crude millionnaires. This was actually a common [[Hollywood]] type during the "Golden Age of Hollywood," and was typically portrayed to obvious comic (and sometimes melodramatic) effect in the [[motion picture]]s by such actors as [[Sydney Greenstreet]], [[Burl Ives]], and even [[Charles Laughton]].

Turning to the novel's characters, he suggested that most of the businessmen depicted had all the hallmarks of eccentric and often crude millionnaires. This was actually a common [[Hollywood]] type during the "Golden Age of Hollywood," and was typically portrayed to obvious comic (and sometimes melodramatic) effect in the [[motion picture]]s by such actors as [[Sydney Greenstreet]], [[Burl Ives]], and even [[Charles Laughton]].

He then took issue with two of the three [[Literary type#Anti-villain|anti-villains]] of the novel, namely [[Francisco d'Anconia]] and [[Ragnar Danneskjold]]. The chief issue he took with Francisco d'Anconia involved his full name&mdash;six names in all. Perhaps Mr. Chambers forgot that many [[Latin America]]ns ''did'' often carry as many names as Francisco d'Anconia has. As to Ragnar Danneskjold, he found the spectacle of a modern [[privateer]], popularly regarded as a [[pirate]], difficult to accept&mdash;but gave no indication of having read the explanation that Ragnar Danneskjold gives, in his conversation with [[Henry Rearden]], of ''why'' he turned to privateering as his contribution to the great [[strike]] of the men of the mind.

He then took issue with two of the three [[Literary type#Anti-villain|anti-villains]] of the novel, namely [[Francisco d'Anconia]] and [[Ragnar Danneskjold]]. The chief issue he took with Francisco d'Anconia involved his full name&mdash;six names in all. Perhaps Mr. Chambers forgot that many [[Latin America]]ns ''did'' often carry as many names as Francisco d'Anconia has. As to Ragnar Danneskjold, he found the spectacle of a modern [[privateer]], popularly regarded as a [[pirate]], difficult to accept&mdash;but gave no indication of having read the explanation that Ragnar Danneskjold gives, in his conversation with [[Henry Rearden]], of ''why'' he turned to privateering as his contribution to the great [[strike]] of the men of the mind.

Concerning [[Dagny Taggart]], he spoke negatively about her two affairs with Francisco d'Anconia and Henry Rearden and finally of her premarital trysts with [[John Galt]] before her final defection from society. Noting that Dagny never falls pregnant from any of these encounters, Chambers suggested that children were an afterthought to Rand. Much more likely, Rand was writing a story by an adult and for adults, and took a certain literary license with the likelihood that any given intimate encounter would result in a pregnancy.

Concerning [[Dagny Taggart]], he spoke negatively about her two affairs with Francisco d'Anconia and Henry Rearden and finally of her premarital trysts with [[John Galt]] before her final defection from society. Noting that Dagny never falls pregnant from any of these encounters, Chambers suggested that children were an afterthought to Rand. Much more likely, Rand was writing a story by an adult and for adults, and took a certain literary license with the likelihood that any given intimate encounter would result in a pregnancy. (Rand ''did'' remember the place of children in society. [[John Galt]] tells Dagny that several residents of [[Galt's Gulch|Atlantis]] have wives and children, and that family relationships constitute a "mutual trade.")

He also found the "looters," meaning the story's various villains, difficult to accept as real people. He did recognize what these villains were [[Literary type#Allegorical type|allegorical types]] of:{{cquote|Left-Liberals, New Dealers, Welfare Statists, One Worlders, or, at any rate, such ogreish semblances of these as may stalk the nightmares of those who think little about people as people, but tend to think a great deal in labels and effigies.}} But he suggested that Rand had failed to discuss how such people as these came to be powerful enough in politics, and in business, either individually or as a group, to earn the enmity of Galt and d'Anconia and the violent wrath of Danneskjold.

Chambers also found the "looters," meaning the story's various villains, difficult to accept as real people. He did recognize what these villains were [[Literary type#Allegorical type|allegorical types]] of:{{cquote|Left-Liberals, New Dealers, Welfare Statists, One Worlders, or, at any rate, such ogreish semblances of these as may stalk the nightmares of those who think little about people as people, but tend to think a great deal in labels and effigies.}} But he suggested that Rand had failed to discuss how such people as these came to be powerful enough in politics, and in business, either individually or as a group, to earn the enmity of Galt and d'Anconia and the violent wrath of Danneskjold.

From this point Chambers suggested that Rand's villains and anti-villains had their inspiration in [[Friederich Nietzche]]'s ''Untermenschen'' and ''Übermenschen''. And here, halfway through his essay, Whittaker Chambers ceased to act as a literary critic. From then on, his criticisms were not of Rand's use or alleged abuse of the literary craft, but strictly of her content. Chambers paid particular attention to Rand's rejection of [[God]], and now chose to discuss what he called the central flaw in any philosophy of pure materialism, whether one of free enterprise or one of [[atheism|atheistic]] [[socialism]]. That flaw was this: without [[God]], the pursuit of happiness becomes the pursuit of pleasure, and leads to a general softening of moral fiber, and from there to decadence.

From this point Chambers suggested that Rand's villains and anti-villains had their inspiration in [[Friederich Nietzche]]'s ''Untermenschen'' and ''Übermenschen''. And here, halfway through his essay, Whittaker Chambers ceased to act as a literary critic. From then on, his criticisms were not of Rand's use or alleged abuse of the literary craft, but strictly of her content. Chambers paid particular attention to Rand's rejection of [[God]], and now chose to discuss what he called the central flaw in any philosophy of pure materialism, whether one of free enterprise or one of [[atheism|atheistic]] [[socialism]]. That flaw was this: without [[God]], the pursuit of happiness becomes the pursuit of pleasure, and leads to a general softening of moral fiber, and from there to decadence.

But then, Chambers suggested, through a leap of logic, that Rand was calling for a type of dictatorship; hence the title of his review, "Big Sister Is Watching You." To Chambers, Rand's alternative to the ''socializing'' elite of [[liberal]] politicians, judges, and so on, was the ''technocratic'' elite of businessmen (like [[Henry Rearden]]), financiers (like [[Midas Mulligan]]), and inventors (like [[John Galt]], who invented [[John Galt#The electrostatic motor|electrostatic motors]], but also again like Rearden, who invented [[Henry Rearden#Rearden Metal|Rearden Metal]]).{{cquote|When she calls "productive achievement" "man's noblest activity," she means, almost exclusively, technological achievement, supervised by such a managerial political bureau.}}

But then, Chambers suggested, through a leap of logic, that Rand was calling for a type of dictatorship; hence the title of his review, "Big Sister Is Watching You." To Chambers, Rand's alternative to the ''socializing'' elite of [[liberal]] politicians, judges, and so on, was the ''technocratic'' elite of businessmen (like [[Henry Rearden]]), financiers (like [[Midas Mulligan]]), and inventors (like [[John Galt]], who invented [[John Galt#The electrostatic motor|electrostatic motors]], but also again like Rearden, who invented [[Henry Rearden#Rearden Metal|Rearden Metal]]).{{cquote|When she calls "productive achievement" "man's noblest activity," she means, almost exclusively, technological achievement, supervised by such a managerial political bureau.}}

By "a managerial political bureau" Chambers never said what he meant in terms of the actual characters and situations in the novel. Did he mean the apparent triumvirate of John Galt, Francisco d'Anconia, and Ragnar Danneskjold? A more careful reading of the novel than Chambers appears to have spared it would have revealed to him that ''none'' of those three men ''ever'' proposed to supervise anything of the kind. John Galt would probably go on to "supervise" a motor company specializing in the electrostatic motors he invented and used to such spectacular effect. Ragnar Danneskjold "supervised" a privateering crew and, in the end, a [[militia]]-style rescue operation. Francisco d'Anconia would, of course, "supervise" the great mining combine that he would build from scratch after destroying the old one so that a [[Communist]] government could not [[nationalization|nationalize]] it.

By "a managerial political bureau" Chambers never said what he meant in terms of the actual characters and situations in the novel. Did he mean the apparent triumvirate of John Galt, Francisco d'Anconia, and Ragnar Danneskjold? A more careful reading of the novel than Chambers appears to have spared it would have revealed to him that ''none'' of those three men ''ever'' proposed to supervise anything of the kind. John Galt makes clear that Atlantis is a ''voluntary association.'' At best, these three constitute a Committee of Safety, which is not a government in the usual sense of the word, but a group of concerned citizens who seek to guarantee the safety of the community from invasion from without, and convulsion within.

 

As to what any of these men would ''supervise'': John Galt would probably go on to "supervise" a motor company specializing in the electrostatic motors he invented and used to such spectacular effect. Ragnar Danneskjold "supervised" a privateering crew and, in the end, a [[militia]]-style rescue operation. Francisco d'Anconia would, of course, "supervise" the great mining combine that he would build from scratch after destroying the old one so that a [[Communist]] government could not [[nationalization|nationalize]] it.

Chambers ended with a very difficult-to-understand section in which he railed against the tone that the novel sets. According to him, {{cquote|From almost any page of ''Atlas Shrugged'', a voice can be heard, from painful necessity, commanding: "To a gas chamber&mdash;go!"}}

Chambers ended with a very difficult-to-understand section in which he railed against the tone that the novel sets. According to him, {{cquote|From almost any page of ''Atlas Shrugged'', a voice can be heard, from painful necessity, commanding: "To a gas chamber&mdash;go!"}}

In summary, Whittaker Chambers began his review with certain criticisms of Ayn Rand's situation and character development, two legitimate areas of writer's craft, and then continued with a criticism of the ''content'' of Rand's message. In the first place, such a content criticism deserved clear and logical separation from criticism of her craft as a writer, a separation that Chambers did not provide. In the second place, most of Chambers' criticisms appeared to derive, not from a close reading of the novel, but rather from a superficial misunderstanding. One almost forms the impression that Chambers' entire criticism was in fact based upon hearsay, and that we see in Chambers' essay the heavy and influential hands of Hicks, Kirsch, Vidal, and the editorial staff of ''The New Yorker'', whom as a matter of well-established fact Rand held in the utmost contempt.<ref name=history>"History of Atlas Shrugged," The Ayn Rand Institute, n.d. Accessed May 5, 2009. <http://atlasshrugged.com/book/history.html></ref>

In summary, Whittaker Chambers began his review with certain criticisms of Ayn Rand's situation and character development, two legitimate areas of writer's craft, and then continued with a criticism of the ''content'' of Rand's message. In the first place, such a content criticism deserved clear and logical separation from criticism of her craft as a writer, a separation that Chambers did not provide. In the second place, most of Chambers' criticisms appeared to derive, not from a close reading of the novel, but rather from a superficial misunderstanding. One almost forms the impression that Chambers' entire criticism was in fact based upon hearsay, and that we see in Chambers' essay the heavy and influential hands of Hicks, Kirsch, Vidal, and the editorial staff of ''The New Yorker'', whom as a matter of well-established fact Rand held in the utmost contempt.<ref name=history>"History of Atlas Shrugged," The Ayn Rand Institute, n.d. Accessed May 5, 2009. <http://atlasshrugged.com/book/history.html></ref>

In Chambers' defense, it is useful to recall the political context. Chambers, like many others, misread the clues to the time setting of ''Atlas Shrugged'' and failed to grasp that the novel was an [[alternate history]] of the United States and of the developed world (which, in her version of history, consisted of the United States of America and the People's States of Everywhere Else) and was ''not'' a projection of future history. And, of course, Rand never made clear the time setting of her novel, and the first person to do so is a [[motion picture]] producer seeking to commission an adaptation of the novel to film. To anyone believing that ''Atlas Shrugged'' ''did'' represent an attempted prediction of America's political future, the spectacles of the Equalization of Opportunity Act, [[Directive 10-289]], and especially [[Project X]] would surely have seemed outrageously exaggerated. No one then could have predicted that a "looter elite" like that depicted in ''Atlas Shrugged'' would ever have come to power.

In Chambers' defense, it is useful to recall the political context. Chambers, like many others, misread the clues to the time setting of ''Atlas Shrugged'' and failed to grasp that the novel was an [[alternate history]] of the United States and of the developed world (which, in her version of history, consisted of the United States of America and the People's States of Everywhere Else) and was ''not'' a reflection of current events.

 

To anyone believing that ''Atlas Shrugged'' ''did'' represent an attempted prediction of America's political future, the spectacles of the Equalization of Opportunity Act, [[Directive 10-289]], and especially [[Project X]] would surely have seemed outrageously exaggerated. No one then could have predicted that a "looter elite" like that depicted in ''Atlas Shrugged'' would ever have come to power.

Yet Chambers might have been shocked to see his old friend [[Richard Nixon]] actually put in place an economic program that read like a reworked version of [[Directive 10-289]], with its "Ninety-Day Wage and Price Freeze," its Pay Board, its Price Commission, and the like. And what he would have made of the presidency of [[Barack Obama]], and of some of the allegations now being made against his administration, no one can begin to guess.

Yet Chambers might have been shocked to see his old friend [[Richard Nixon]] actually put in place an economic program that read like a reworked version of [[Directive 10-289]], with its "Ninety-Day Wage and Price Freeze," its Pay Board, its Price Commission, and the like. And what he would have made of the presidency of [[Barack Obama]], and of some of the allegations now being made against his administration, no one can begin to guess.