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When war broke out in Europe in August 1914 and the European powers were mobilizing millions of men the U.S. had an army of regulars consisting of 5,033 officers and 93,500 men. They were split up into many small installations, including western forts left over from the days of fighting Indians (which ended in 1890), and coastal artillery batteries guarding major harbors. There were no large units, and only the most senior members had combat experience. The National Guard had about 67,000 men; the U.S. Marines, 10,400. There were no plans for expansion, and no draft. The Army had no war plans for operations in Europe. President [[Woodrow Wilson]] at one point grew angry when he heard the Army was preparing war plans, and ordered it to stop.

When war broke out in Europe in August 1914 and the European powers were mobilizing millions of men the U.S. had an army of regulars consisting of 5,033 officers and 93,500 men. They were split up into many small installations, including western forts left over from the days of fighting Indians (which ended in 1890), and coastal artillery batteries guarding major harbors. There were no large units, and only the most senior members had combat experience. The National Guard had about 67,000 men; the U.S. Marines, 10,400. There were no plans for expansion, and no draft. The Army had no war plans for operations in Europe. President [[Woodrow Wilson]] at one point grew angry when he heard the Army was preparing war plans, and ordered it to stop.

The U.S. entered the war in April 1917, and planned to send money, food and munitions to Europe.  It did not officially join the Allies and had no intention of sending soldiers. "You're not going to send American soldiers over there, are you?" asked one senator incredulously. Washington soon realized that economic support for the Allies would not be enough to defeat Germany. An American army would have to go "Over There" and fight. Wilson’s military policy was poorly thought out. Of all wartime presidents, he paid by far the least attention to military affairs, either before the war or during it. Wilson avoided as much as possible reading war plans, visiting camps or talking to his generals—or even looking at war maps. Baker and Wilson picked John J. Pershing as the commander of all American forces in Europe without meeting the man. Indeed, Pershing had only one meeting with the President before the war ended. The general expected to get some policy guidance about cooperation with the Allies, but Wilson ignored the issue and left Pershing to devise his own relations with Britain and France.<ref>Pershing, ''My Experiences,'' 1:37-9</ref> Wilson always followed diplomatic issues very closely, and sometimes of course military matters were involved—as with the maneuvers to threaten Mexico, the 1919 expeditionary force to Russia, and the proceedings of the advisory Supreme War Council in London, 1817-18. The central issue of how to fight the war against Germany he studiously ignored. When the discussions turned to soldiers, weapons, strategies, tactics and timetables, his eyes glazed over and he let the War and Navy departments make all the decisions.<ref>By contrast in World War II, President Franklin D. Roosevelt had a hands-on approach that involved daily meetings with his generals and admirals, and involvement in the minute details of strategy and operations.</ref> Wilson's secretaries of War and Navy [[Newton Baker]] and [[Josephus Daniels]] were pacifists unfamiliar with military language or concepts. They largely ignored matters of strategy and policy, and limited themselves to supplying men and  munitions. Assistant Secretary of the Navy [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] made all the policy decisions for the Navy Department, allowing Daniels to concentrate on ceremonies, party politics and publicity.  

The U.S. entered the war in April 1917, and planned to send money, food and munitions to Europe.  It did not officially join the Allies and had no intention of sending soldiers. "You're not going to send American soldiers over there, are you?" asked one senator incredulously. Washington soon realized that economic support for the Allies would not be enough to defeat Germany. An American army would have to go "Over There" and fight. Wilson's military policy was poorly thought out. Of all wartime presidents, he paid by far the least attention to military affairs, either before the war or during it. Wilson avoided as much as possible reading war plans, visiting camps or talking to his generals—or even looking at war maps. Baker and Wilson picked John J. Pershing as the commander of all American forces in Europe without meeting the man. Indeed, Pershing had only one meeting with the President before the war ended. The general expected to get some policy guidance about cooperation with the Allies, but Wilson ignored the issue and left Pershing to devise his own relations with Britain and France.<ref>Pershing, ''My Experiences,'' 1:37-9</ref> Wilson always followed diplomatic issues very closely, and sometimes of course military matters were involved—as with the maneuvers to threaten Mexico, the 1919 expeditionary force to Russia, and the proceedings of the advisory Supreme War Council in London, 1817-18. The central issue of how to fight the war against Germany he studiously ignored. When the discussions turned to soldiers, weapons, strategies, tactics and timetables, his eyes glazed over and he let the War and Navy departments make all the decisions.<ref>By contrast in World War II, President Franklin D. Roosevelt had a hands-on approach that involved daily meetings with his generals and admirals, and involvement in the minute details of strategy and operations.</ref> Wilson's secretaries of War and Navy [[Newton Baker]] and [[Josephus Daniels]] were pacifists unfamiliar with military language or concepts. They largely ignored matters of strategy and policy, and limited themselves to supplying men and  munitions. Assistant Secretary of the Navy [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] made all the policy decisions for the Navy Department, allowing Daniels to concentrate on ceremonies, party politics and publicity.  

The American tradition of civilian control of the military demands that the appropriate civilians (the president, secretary of war and Congress) actively assume their responsibilities, especially in time of war. Wilson, thoroughly steeped in government and history, of course knew this. His delegation of his duties to the generals was an astonishing act that every subsequent president avoided. The main exception was Baker's decision to send the Army to the Western Front. Army planners at first had suggested an indirect attack on the wobbly Austro-Hungarian Empire through Greece. However logistics for a large army would be hard enough stretching to France, and quite impossible to go much further. More important, the Western Front was decisive; if France fell, the war would be over regardless, and Germany had to be defeated sooner or later. Baker insisted the main US role would be American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) fighting the Germans on the Western Front.  

The American tradition of civilian control of the military demands that the appropriate civilians (the president, secretary of war and Congress) actively assume their responsibilities, especially in time of war. Wilson, thoroughly steeped in government and history, of course knew this. His delegation of his duties to the generals was an astonishing act that every subsequent president avoided. The main exception was Baker's decision to send the Army to the Western Front. Army planners at first had suggested an indirect attack on the wobbly Austro-Hungarian Empire through Greece. However logistics for a large army would be hard enough stretching to France, and quite impossible to go much further. More important, the Western Front was decisive; if France fell, the war would be over regardless, and Germany had to be defeated sooner or later. Baker insisted the main US role would be American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) fighting the Germans on the Western Front.