Changes

===Storming of the [[Bastille]]===

===Storming of the [[Bastille]]===

[[Image:Prise de la Bastille.jpg|thumb|300px|Capture of the Bastille]] With the militia formed to repel the royal troops, there was an urgent need for weapons. The royalist [[Swiss Guard]]s had stored 30,000 pounds in the Bastille, to be used against the National Assembly. On the morning of July 14, 1789 (“[[Bastille Day]]”), a crowd of about a thousand people made up predominantly of small tradesmen arrived at the prison to demand the gun powder be handed over. The prison Governor invited a delegation in for breakfast, which proceeded for three and a half hours. Meanwhile, rumours circulated that royalist troops were committing atrocities across Paris.

[[Image:Prise de la Bastille.jpg|thumb|300px|Capture of the Bastille]] With the militia formed to repel the royal troops, there was an urgent need for weapons. The royalist [[Swiss Guard]]s had stored 30,000 pounds in the Bastille, to be used against the National Assembly. On the morning of July 14, 1789 (“[[Bastille Day]]”), a crowd of about a thousand people made up predominantly of small tradesmen arrived at the prison to demand the gunpowder be handed over. The prison Governor invited a delegation in for breakfast, which proceeded for three and a half hours. Meanwhile, rumours circulated that royalist troops were committing atrocities across Paris.

A demonstrator outside the Bastille realized he would be able to get to the chains of the drawbridge by climbing from a nearby perfume shop. At this point the prison Governor, [[De Launay]], broke off negotiations and late in the afternoon cannon shots were aimed at the crowd. Two companies of French Guards were persuaded to the Bastille to the defend protesters being killed by cannon fire.

A demonstrator outside the Bastille realized he would be able to get to the chains of the drawbridge by climbing from a nearby perfume shop. At this point the prison Governor, [[De Launay]], broke off negotiations and late in the afternoon cannon shots were aimed at the crowd. Two companies of French Guards were persuaded to the Bastille to the defend protesters being killed by cannon fire.

===Cult of Reason===

===Cult of Reason===

Revolutionaries in the provinces, closed churches, and hunted down priests.  Persecution of all religious ideas began, including Protestants as well as catholics.  Many churches were forcibly closed and converted into [[Cult of Reason|Temples of Reason]] <ref>John Hall Stewart, ''A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution'', 1963.</ref>

Revolutionaries in the provinces, closed churches, and hunted down priests.  Persecution of all religious ideas began, including Protestants as well as Catholics.  Many churches were forcibly closed and converted into [[Cult of Reason|Temples of Reason]] <ref>John Hall Stewart, ''A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution'', 1963.</ref>

A vital force intended to sustain the political and economic terror was the creation of an ideology based on love of '' la Patrie'', "the Country" or "fatherland", and the subjugation of the individual to the collective will of whole.  The Church of Notre-Dame-de-Paris became a temple of Reason, and the feast of Reason was celebrated on 10 November.  The idea of honouring the fatherland, which had its origin in the festival of the Federation in 1790 gave rise to successive cults.  Chamber Deputy Laloi commented they had "wiped out eighteen centuries of error".  

A vital force intended to sustain the political and economic terror was the creation of an ideology based on love of '' la Patrie'', "the Country" or "fatherland", and the subjugation of the individual to the collective will of whole.  The Church of Notre-Dame-de-Paris became a temple of Reason, and the feast of Reason was celebrated on 10 November.  The idea of honouring the fatherland, which had its origin in the festival of the Federation in 1790 gave rise to successive cults.  Chamber Deputy Laloi commented they had "wiped out eighteen centuries of error".  

==The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution==

==The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution==

Despite his military failures in Egypt, General [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, [[Lucien Bonaparte]], president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'etat on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred.  Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.<ref>Furet (1996) p 212</ref>

Despite his military failures in Egypt, General [[Napoleon Bonaparte]] returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, [[Lucien Bonaparte]], president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'état on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred.  Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.<ref>Furet (1996) p 212</ref>

==Impact of the Revolution==

==Impact of the Revolution==

===Impact on France===

===Impact on France===

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the [[Enlightenment]] who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref>See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

The Republican or "radical" interpretation of the Revolution, typified by politician [[François Guizot]] (1787–1874) and research scholar François Aulard (1849-1928), hailed it for the destruction of a reactionary nobility, which was replaced by men of the [[Enlightenment]] who introduced the rights of man, proclaimed equality, guaranteed liberty, strengthened the nation state, redefined citizenship, and modernized every aspect of France's political, social, cultural, religious, economic and diplomatic roles. He saw the duty of his own generation to continue and perfect the goals of the Revolution.  The defeat of the reactionary Catholic Church was seen as a signal achievement, and bolstered the Radicals in French politics who attacked continuing roles of the Church in the late 19th and early 20th century.<ref>See Furet and Ozouf, eds. ''Critical Dictionary'' (1989), 881-1032 and Doyle ''Origins of the French Revolution'' (1999) ch 1-3, for a review of the major historians.</ref>

===Bourbon history===

===Bourbon history===

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.  The Roman Catholic variation stressed the attacks on religion and the [[established church]], and the horrors of the Terror, thereby bolstering the political conservatism of the Catholics, whose schools were under attack by Radicals for much of the 19th century.

===Marxists===

===Marxists===

Karl Marx had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref>

Karl Marx had specifically taken into account the French Revolution (more specifically the Reign of Terror in 1793) when writing the Communist Manifesto with Frederick Engels. In their correspondences, Marx noted: “There is only one way of shortening, simplifying, and concentrating the bloodthirsty death-throes of the old society and the bloody birth pangs of the new--revolutionary terror. . . . [...] Once we are at the helm, we shall be obliged to reenact the year 1793. [...] We are pitiless and we ask no pity from you. When our time comes, we shall not conceal terrorism with hypocritical phrases. . . The vengeance of the people will break forth with such ferocity that not even the year 1793 enables us to envisage it. . . .”<ref>https://www.facebook.com/373757305985421/photos/a.373910375970114.102939.373757305985421/819295658098248/?type=1</ref>

The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy.  Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959),<ref>See   

The Marxist historians, for example [[Albert Soboul]], [[George Rude]] and [[Peter McPhee]], counter by pointing to the rise of the bourgeoisie class in power due to the abolition of seigneruial rights and privileges, claiming that the French Revolution was the starting-point for capitalist society and the modern democracy.  Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable, gave it force, and made it a model for the 20th century socialists to emulate. Marxists, led by Albert Mathiez (1874–1932), [[Georges Lefebvre]] (1874-1959),<ref>See   

LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> and Albert Soboul (1914-1982),<ref>Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the the sans-culottes (the urban poor).<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html]</ref> That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791–99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.  

LeFebvre, ''The French Revolution: From its Origins to 1793'' (2001 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/French-Revolution-Origins-Routledge-Classics/dp/0415253934/ref=pd_bbs_sr_2/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1189603529&sr=1-2 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> and Albert Soboul (1914-1982),<ref>Soboul, ''The Sans-Culottes'' (1981 edition) [http://www.amazon.com/Sans-Culottes-Albert-Soboul/dp/0691007829/ref=pd_sim_b_2_img/103-4827826-5463040?ie=UTF8&qid=1189598691&sr=8-1 excerpts and online search from Amazon.com]</ref> identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the sans-culottes (the urban poor).<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html]</ref> That is, the wealthy town dwellers and businessmen (the "bourgeoisie") were angry that the nobility governed France. They found a voice (in Marxist language, they realized their identity as a class) and first sought power against the upper class (in 1789) and then (1791–99) against the proletariat (poor people) of the cities and peasants from below who suddenly emerged and demanded power themselves. The conflict permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.  

The Marxist approach was a simple model that claimed to simultaneously explain the Revolution's origins, its internal dynamics and its long-term consequences. The dominance of the Left in French intellectual life ensured the theory was dominant for decades, but it had serious flaws. As English scholar Alfred Cobban explained, feudalism as a system had withered away long before the Revolution abolished its last vestiges in the form of seigniorial rights. Furthermore where Marxists saw a self-conscious, capitalist bourgeois class, Cobban revealed only a loose collection of disparate social groups that did not include the industrialists and businessmen but rather the officeholders and lawyers. These men led the revolution not as spokesmen for the forces of capitalism; rather they were state-builders.  Other scholars showed the nobility was not parasitic obstructionist and reactionary caste of Republican or Marxist writing, but rather a diverse and open group whose leaders actively promoted political and economic modernization.<ref>Alfred Cobban, ''The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution'' (1962); Doyle (1999) ch 2; John Dunne, "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition]</ref>

The Marxist approach was a simple model that claimed to simultaneously explain the Revolution's origins, its internal dynamics and its long-term consequences. The dominance of the Left in French intellectual life ensured the theory was dominant for decades, but it had serious flaws. As English scholar Alfred Cobban explained, feudalism as a system had withered away long before the Revolution abolished its last vestiges in the form of seigniorial rights. Furthermore, where Marxists saw a self-conscious, capitalist bourgeois class, Cobban revealed only a loose collection of disparate social groups that did not include the industrialists and businessmen but rather the officeholders and lawyers. These men led the revolution not as spokesmen for the forces of capitalism; rather they were state-builders.  Other scholars showed the nobility was not parasitic obstructionist and reactionary caste of Republican or Marxist writing, but rather a diverse and open group whose leaders actively promoted political and economic modernization.<ref>Alfred Cobban, ''The Social Interpretation of the French Revolution'' (1962); Doyle (1999) ch 2; John Dunne, "Fifty Years of Rewriting the French Revolution: Signposts Main Landmarks and Current Directions in the Historiographical Debate," ''History Review.'' (1998) pp 8+ [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001505046 online edition]</ref>

===Furet and conservatives===

===Furet and conservatives===

===Class and culture===

===Class and culture===

Multiple cultural and intellectual themes have displaced monocausal economic interpretations.  Thus in dealing with the middle class, the Marxist inevitable-class-conflict model has given way. On the one hand there are cultural studies that emphasize the ways in which the middle class functions as a political and moral claim rather than a sociological entity. On the other hand microscopic ethnographic studies examine the middle class in terms of daily cultural practices, focusing on the formation of class identity through family structure, consumer behavior, sociability, and sexuality.<ref>Carol E. Harrison, "The Bourgeois after the Bourgeois Revolution: Recent Approaches to the Middle Class in European Cities." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2005 31(3): 382-392. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: in [[Ebsco]]</ref>

Multiple cultural and intellectual themes have displaced monocausal economic interpretations.  Thus in dealing with the middle class, the Marxist inevitable-class-conflict model has given way. On the one hand there are cultural studies that emphasize the ways in which the middle class functions as a political and moral claim rather than a sociological entity. On the other hand, microscopic ethnographic studies examine the middle class in terms of daily cultural practices, focusing on the formation of class identity through family structure, consumer behavior, sociability, and sexuality.<ref>Carol E. Harrison, "The Bourgeois after the Bourgeois Revolution: Recent Approaches to the Middle Class in European Cities." ''Journal of Urban History'' 2005 31(3): 382-392. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: in [[Ebsco]]</ref>

The minimalist view, championed by such historians as [[Simon Schama]], [[Alfred Cobban]] and [[Roger Price]], states that, in the words of Price: <blockquote>

The minimalist view, championed by such historians as [[Simon Schama]], [[Alfred Cobban]] and [[Roger Price]], states that, in the words of Price: <blockquote>

In political and ideological terms the Revolution was no doubt of crucial importance, but humanity was not transformed thereby... At the end of all the political upheavals of the Revolution and Empire little had changed in the daily life of most Frenchmen.<ref>Roger Price. ''An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914.'' London. Macmillan. 1975.</ref>

In political and ideological terms the Revolution was no doubt of crucial importance, but humanity was not transformed thereby... At the end of all the political upheavals of the Revolution and Empire little had changed in the daily life of most Frenchmen.<ref>Roger Price. ''An Economic History of Modern France, 1730-1914.'' London. Macmillan. 1975.</ref>