Changes

===Structure===

===Structure===

====Executive====

====Executive====

In Nigeria, the President is the head of state and head of government. He serves four year terms (unless his term is extended by the Legislative branch - which can only be done in a time of war for no more than six months at one time) and must receive at least 25% of the popular vote in order ascend to office.<ref name="Constitution">{{cite web|title= Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria|work=Nigeria Direct|date=1999|format=pdf|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/rdonlyres/D38CF776-EE00-48DF-A09D-C06FE29997DA/0/NigerianConstitution.pdf|publisher= Federal Ministry of Information and Communications|accessdate=02-20-2009|language=English}}</ref> The majority of the executive branch is taken up by the Federal Executive Council - the body that comprises the President, the Vice President and ministers (the U.S. equivalent to a minister would be a Secretary or the Attorney General, these are cabinet positions). The ministers (there are nineteen in total) are not the only part of the council, though. The president is also allowed to appoint “Special Advisers” - the number that he is allowed to appoint depends on an act of the Legislative Branch.<ref name="Constitution"

In Nigeria, the President is the head of state and head of government. He serves four year terms (unless his term is extended by the Legislative branch - which can only be done in a time of war for no more than six months at one time) and must receive at least 25% of the popular vote in order ascend to office.<ref name="Constitution">{{cite web|title= Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria|work=Nigeria Direct|date=1999|format=pdf|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/rdonlyres/D38CF776-EE00-48DF-A09D-C06FE29997DA/0/NigerianConstitution.pdf|publisher= Federal Ministry of Information and Communications|accessdate=02-20-2009|language=English}}</ref> The majority of the executive branch is taken up by the Federal Executive Council - the body that comprises the President, the Vice President and ministers (the U.S. equivalent to a minister would be a Secretary or the Attorney General, these are cabinet positions). The ministers (there are nineteen in total) are not the only part of the council, though. The president is also allowed to appoint “Special Advisers” - the number that he is allowed to appoint depends on an act of the Legislative Branch.<ref name="Constitution">

Ministers control ministries - these ministries “[cover] all relevant sectors of the polity.” The President appoints all ministers. There is also a Permanent Secretary who is the “accounting officer and administrative head for each ministry”.<ref name="Ministries">{{cite web|title= Ministries|language=English|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/exeres/9E10B358-8D15-492E-8C95-92FEBDB9BBDF.htm|publisher=Federal Ministry of Information and Communications}}</ref>

Ministers control ministries - these ministries “[cover] all relevant sectors of the polity.” The President appoints all ministers. There is also a Permanent Secretary who is the “accounting officer and administrative head for each ministry”.<ref name="Ministries">{{cite web|title= Ministries|language=English|url=http://nigeria.gov.ng/NR/exeres/9E10B358-8D15-492E-8C95-92FEBDB9BBDF.htm|publisher=Federal Ministry of Information and Communications}}</ref>

Oil dependency, and the allure it generated of great wealth through government contracts, spawned other economic distortions. The country's high propensity to import means roughly 80% of government expenditures is recycled into foreign exchange. Cheap consumer imports, resulting from a chronically overvalued Naira, coupled with excessively high domestic production costs due in part to erratic electricity and fuel supply, have pushed down industrial capacity utilization to less than 30%. Many more Nigerian factories would have closed except for relatively low labor costs (10%-15%). Domestic manufacturers, especially pharmaceuticals and textiles, have lost their ability to compete in traditional regional markets; however, there are signs that some manufacturers have begun to address their competitiveness.  

Oil dependency, and the allure it generated of great wealth through government contracts, spawned other economic distortions. The country's high propensity to import means roughly 80% of government expenditures is recycled into foreign exchange. Cheap consumer imports, resulting from a chronically overvalued Naira, coupled with excessively high domestic production costs due in part to erratic electricity and fuel supply, have pushed down industrial capacity utilization to less than 30%. Many more Nigerian factories would have closed except for relatively low labor costs (10%-15%). Domestic manufacturers, especially pharmaceuticals and textiles, have lost their ability to compete in traditional regional markets; however, there are signs that some manufacturers have begun to address their competitiveness.  

Arguably the government's biggest macroeconomic achievement has been the sharp reduction in its external debt, which declined from 36% of GDP in 2004 to less than 4% of GDP in 2007. In October 2005, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved its first ever Policy Support Instrument for Nigeria. On December 17, the United States and seven other Paris Club nations signed debt reduction agreements with Nigeria for $18 billion in debt reduction, with the proviso that Nigeria pay back its remaining $12 billion in debt by March 2006. The United States was one of the smaller creditors, and received about $356 million from Nigeria in return for over $600 million of debt reduction. Merrill Lynch has won the right to take on $509 million of Nigeria's promissory debt (accrued since 1984) to the "London Club" of private creditors. This arrangement saves Nigeria about $34 million over a simple prepayment of the notes. Nigeria owes some bilateral loans and multilateral institutions over $101 million in oil warrant instrumental debts, which soon might be redeemed via a cash tender offer. Consequently, Nigeria faces intense pressure to accept multi-billion dollar loans for railroads, power plants, roads, and other infrastructure.  

Arguably the government's biggest macroeconomic achievement has been the sharp reduction in its external debt, which declined from 36% of GDP in 2004 to less than 4% of GDP in 2007. In October 2005, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) approved its first ever Policy Support Instrument for Nigeria. On December 17, the United States and seven other Paris Club nations signed debt reduction agreements with Nigeria for $18 billion in debt reduction, with the proviso that Nigeria pay back its remaining $12 billion in debt by March 2006. The United States was one of the smaller creditors, and received about $356 million from Nigeria in return for over $600 million of debt reduction. Merrill Lynch has won the right to take on $509 million of Nigeria's promissory debt (accrued since 1984) to the "London Club" of private creditors. This arrangement saves Nigeria about $34 million over a simple prepayment of the notes. Nigeria owes some bilateral loans and multilateral institutions over $101 million in oil warrant instrumental debts, which soon might be redeemed via a cash tender offer. Consequently, Nigeria faces intense pressure to accept multibillion-dollar loans for railroads, power plants, roads, and other infrastructure.  

In the light of highly expansionary public sector fiscal policies during 2001, the government has sought ways to head off higher inflation, leading to the implementation of stronger monetary policies by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and underspending of budgeted amounts. As a result of the CBN's efforts, the official exchange rate for the Naira has stabilized at about 127 Naira to the dollar. The combination of CBN's efforts to prop up the value of the Naira and excess liquidity resulting from government spending led the currency to be discounted by around 20% on the parallel (nonofficial) market. A key achievement of the Policy Support Instrument has been closure of the gap between the official and parallel market exchange rates. The Inter-Bank Foreign Exchange Market (IFEM) is closely tied to the official rate. Under IFEM, banks, oil companies, and the CBN can buy or sell their foreign exchange at government influenced rates. Much of the informal economy, however, can only access foreign exchange through the parallel market. Companies can hold domiciliary accounts in private banks, and account holders have unfettered use of the funds.  

In the light of highly expansionary public sector fiscal policies during 2001, the government has sought ways to head off higher inflation, leading to the implementation of stronger monetary policies by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and underspending of budgeted amounts. As a result of the CBN's efforts, the official exchange rate for the Naira has stabilized at about 127 Naira to the dollar. The combination of CBN's efforts to prop up the value of the Naira and excess liquidity resulting from government spending led the currency to be discounted by around 20% on the parallel (nonofficial) market. A key achievement of the Policy Support Instrument has been closure of the gap between the official and parallel market exchange rates. The Inter-Bank Foreign Exchange Market (IFEM) is closely tied to the official rate. Under IFEM, banks, oil companies, and the CBN can buy or sell their foreign exchange at government influenced rates. Much of the informal economy, however, can only access foreign exchange through the parallel market. Companies can hold domiciliary accounts in private banks, and account holders have unfettered use of the funds.  

====Civilian Transition====

====Civilian Transition====

Nigeria held state legislative and gubernatorial elections on April 14 as well as presidential and national legislative elections on April 21, 2007, in which more than 35 political parties participated. Nigeria missed an opportunity to strengthen an element of its democracy through a sound electoral process. Analysis of the process by most international observers did not conform to what Nigeria's National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported. U.S. and international observers reported overall a seriously flawed process with credible reports of malfeasance and vote rigging in some constituencies. The scope of violence that occurred also was regrettable. There were considerable degrees of difference in the conduct of elections among states, but serious differences were also observed within states during the two polling dates. The main opposition parties, All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) and the Action Congress (AC), as well as numerous smaller political parties and the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) have filed petitions to challenge the results of gubernatorial elections in 34 of Nigeria's 36 states. Challenges to the presidential election have been filed by the ANPP, AC, and others in the Federal Court of Appeals, but the opposition is not unified, and mass protests have not materialized. INEC's principal problems included politicization and lack of independence, lack of transparency in its operations and decision-making, and persistent failure to make adequate logistical arrangements for both voter registration and polling. With INEC's certification of the ruling party's presidential ticket as the winner with over 70% of the vote, Nigeria experienced its first transition of power between civilian administrations when President Obasanjo stepped down on May 29, 2007. Newly-elected President Umaru Yar'adua, a moderate and a respected governor from the northern state of Katsina, pledged publicly to make electoral reform, peace and security in the Niger Delta, and continued electoral reform his top priorities.  

Nigeria held state legislative and gubernatorial elections on April 14 as well as presidential and national legislative elections on April 21, 2007, in which more than 35 political parties participated. Nigeria missed an opportunity to strengthen an element of its democracy through a sound electoral process. Analysis of the process by most international observers did not conform to what Nigeria's National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported. U.S. and international observers reported overall a seriously flawed process with credible reports of malfeasance and vote rigging in some constituencies. The scope of violence that occurred also was regrettable. There were considerable degrees of difference in the conduct of elections among states, but serious differences were also observed within states during the two polling dates. The main opposition parties, All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) and the Action Congress (AC), as well as numerous smaller political parties and the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) have filed petitions to challenge the results of gubernatorial elections in 34 of Nigeria's 36 states. Challenges to the presidential election have been filed by the ANPP, AC, and others in the Federal Court of Appeals, but the opposition is not unified, and mass protests have not materialized. INEC's principal problems included politicization and lack of independence, lack of transparency in its operations and decision-making, and persistent failure to make adequate logistical arrangements for both voter registration and polling. With INEC's certification of the ruling party's presidential ticket as the winner with over 70% of the vote, Nigeria experienced its first transition of power between civilian administrations when President Obasanjo stepped down on May 29, 2007. Newly elected President Umaru Yar'adua, a moderate and a respected governor from the northern state of Katsina, pledged publicly to make electoral reform, peace and security in the Niger Delta, and continued electoral reform his top priorities.  

Nigeria continues to suffer from internal disunity, however, and this prompted one Nigerian nationalist to say, "Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression." As a general rule, Nigerians generally do not consider themselves as "Nigerians" in the same way that American citizens consider themselves "Americans" or that [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens consider themselves "Canadians". One of the main splits is between [[Christians]] and [[Muslims]] - the nation is almost evenly split between the two.<ref>http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10015255</ref>

Nigeria continues to suffer from internal disunity, however, and this prompted one Nigerian nationalist to say, "Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression." As a general rule, Nigerians generally do not consider themselves as "Nigerians" in the same way that American citizens consider themselves "Americans" or that [[Canada|Canadian]] citizens consider themselves "Canadians". One of the main splits is between [[Christians]] and [[Muslims]] - the nation is almost evenly split between the two.<ref>http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10015255</ref>