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Democrat election fraud (view source)
Revision as of 04:30, November 27, 2021
, 04:30, November 27, 2021→1996
==1996==
==1996==
===Stuffing the ballot box with illegal votes===
In his new book, Sellout: ''The Inside Story of President Clinton’s Impeachment'', David P. Schippers, former Chief Counsel for the House Judiciary Committee, details his investigation of abuses surrounding the Citizenship USA program.<ref>https://cis.org/Report/Injustice-All-Excerpt-Sellout-Inside-Story-President-Clintons-Impeachment</ref> Schippers and staff focused on the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), which appeared to be running out of control. Investigations by the [[General Accounting Office]] (GAO) and congressional committees indicated that the White House used the INS to further its political agenda. A blatant politicization of the agency took place during the 1996 presidential campaign when the White House pressured the INS into expediting its "Citizenship USA" (CUSA) program to grant citizenship to thousands of aliens that the White House counted as likely Democratic voters. To ensure maximum impact, the INS concentrated on aliens in key states — California, Florida, Illinois, New York, New Jersey, and Texas — that hold a combined 181 electoral votes, just 89 short of the total needed to win the election.
The program was placed under the direction of Vice President Al Gore. The Judiciary Committee staff received from the GAO a few e-mails indicating Gore’s role in the plan. He was responsible for keeping the pressure on, to make sure the aliens were pushed through by September 1, 1996 the last day to register for the presidential election. Schipper's investigation uncovered a case study evidencing what is known as "Chicago Politics." The Democrats circumvented normal procedures for the naturalization process — procedures that check backgrounds and weed out criminals — and consequently they were handing out citizenship papers to questionable characters.
The possibility of using CUSA apparently occurred to the White House in February 1996, when [[Henry Cisneros]], then [[Secretary of Housing and Urban Development]], forwarded a memo to President Clinton. The memo, from the California Active Citizenship Campaign (ACC), complained of a backlog of alien applications for naturalization in Los Angeles. It contained the magic words: "INS inaction [on the backlog] will deny 300,000 Latinos the right to vote in the 1996 presidential elections [sic] in California."
The memo outlined the services that the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) in Los Angeles could provide. The IAF offered thousands of volunteers to help process voter applications, register thousands of new voters, conduct 5,000 house meetings, encourage voting by mail, and get more than 50,000 occasional voters out to vote in the presidential election. Most interesting were the promises that the IAF would "create voter interest around issues of Affirmative Action and Minimum Wage, . . . influence 300,000 voters in the preparation for Nov. 1996, . . . produce 5,000 precinct leaders and turn out 96,000 voters for the 1996 presidential election."
Documents show that President Clinton asked Doug Farbrother of the National Performance Review (NPR) staff to look into removing barriers to citizenship not only in Los Angeles but also in San Francisco, Chicago, New York, and Miami — major cities in four swing states. In a memo to the President, Farbrother stated that "we can reduce — but not eliminate -- the risk of controversy over our motives by appointing one of our proven NPR reinventors as Deputy INS Commissioner . . . As part of the official INS management team, our reinventor would have more direct influence and the INS staff would be less likely to go public with complaints than they would over the interference of an outsider." The memo observed that "reinventors" should be put in many other agencies, as well, to replace leaders who "don’t ‘get it.’" Farbrother recommended, "[t]o get anywhere near a million applicants naturalized" by summer’s end, the administration would have "to force some serious ‘reinvention’ on INS."
Farbrother and the NPR won the assignment of getting the INS to process more than a million applicants by the end of the summer. As early as March 1996, GAO documents reveal, he was reporting his efforts, recommendations, and results to Al Gore. Farbrother reported how he had told the INS and the Justice Department to waive "stupid rules," and he told Gore that unless reforms were implemented, the backlog wouldn’t be "processed in time."
As Farbrother noted in a March 22, 1996 e-mail to Gore, he had told INS Deputy Commissioner Chris Sale and Deputy Attorney General [[Jamie Gorelick]] "to delegate broad authority to the managers in" New York, Chicago, Miami, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. But the INS and the Justice Department were not immediately complying with his demands, he said. Keeping the pressure on, Farbrother sent Sale a fax reiterating how important this delegation was in order "to get the results the Vice President wants." In the fax he also commented, "I need you or Doris [Meissner] to sign something like the attached," referring to a memo giving those INS district directors "full authority to waive, suspend, or deviate from DOJ and INS nonstatutory policies, regulations, and procedures provided you operate within the confines of the law."
The White House wanted any applicant for citizenship to be naturalized in time to register for the November 1996 election, so the pressure on the INS was constant. On March 21 Elaine Kamarck in the Vice President’s office sent an e-mail to Farbrother saying: "THE PRESIDENT IS SICK OF THIS AND WANTS ACTION. IF NOTHING MOVES TODAY WE’LL HAVE TO TAKE SOME PRETTY DRASTIC MEASURES." Farbrother responded, "I favor drastic measures." If he couldn’t get what he wanted from the INS, he wrote, he would "call for heavy artillery."
In a March 26, 1996 e-mail to Goret, Farbrother reported that Chris Sale has indeed "delegated hiring authority to the five cities and increased their budgets by 20 percent." But, he wrote, "I still don’t think the city directors have enough freedom to do the job." Two days later Farbrother told Gore by e-mail, "[U]nless we blast INS headquarters loose from their grip on the frontline managers, we are going to have way too many people still waiting for citizenship in November." He added, "I can’t make Doris Meissner delegate broad authority to her field managers. Can you?"
Gore answered, "We’ll explore it. Thanks." By the end of March, INS Commissioner Doris Meissner capitulated. On April 4, 1996, Elaine Kamarck, to prepare Gore for a lunch with Clinton, drafted a memo briefing Gore on the INS progress. In time, Newark, New Jersey, and Houston, Texas, would be added to the list of targeted cities, and in all, more than a million aliens would be naturalized in time to vote in the 1996 election.
The INS district office in Chicago, which Gore had visited in 1996 to check on the registration progress, some of the most flagrant and critical breakdown occurred in fingerprint checks. Federal regulations require that, for an alien to obtain citizenship, his application for naturalization (citizenship) must be accompanied by a complete set of the alien’s fingerprints. The fingerprint cards are then sent to the FBI to determine if the applicant has a criminal or arrest record. The law provides that an application may be denied if the alien has a serious criminal record or if he falsely denies ever having been arrested, even if he was never convicted.
In the INS district offices, the alien applicant for naturalization cannot be scheduled for a personal interview until at least 60 days after the application is submitted. This delay is specifically intended to allow sufficient time for an FBI fingerprint check. If the check reveals an arrest record identification, the arrest report is inserted in the alien’s file prior to the interview. An arrest record does not automatically result in a denial of citizenship, but it alerts an examiner to spend additional time questioning the applicant and to request that he furnish further information.
If there is no criminal arrest record in the file prior to the interview, the examiner will assume that none exists. For that reason, the INS has always considered the FBI fingerprint check to be the only practical way of preventing violent felons, dope peddlers, and the like from obtaining citizenship. Any breakdown in the collecting, checking, and reporting of the fingerprints can cause a breakdown of the entire process. Judiciary investigators discovered that FBI arrest records that were being sent to the Chicago INS office simply were not being inserted into the aliens’ files. As a result, aliens with criminal records were being granted citizenship. Just prior to the 1996 voter registration deadline, a box was discovered in the Chicago INS office containing nearly five thousand FBI arrest reports — reports that had arrived in time but had been ignored.
The White House, the INS, and the Justice Department publicly denied any political motive in the CUSA program to expedite the citizenship procedure. What the United States got is undeniable: more than 75,000 new citizens who had arrest records when they applied; an additional 115,000 citizens whose fingerprints were unclassifiable for various technical reasons and were never resubmitted; and another 61,000 people who were given citizenship with no fingerprints submitted at all.
What we had here was a perfect example of the Clinton-Gore administration’s overarching political philosophy: "The ends justify the means," coupled with "win at any cost." It was a philosophy of governance that, as our investigations into other areas proceeded, we would find repeated again and again.
When the results of the KPMG Peat Marwick audit were made public, the INS and Justice vowed to remedy the situation, root out the felons, and revoke erroneously awarded citizenship. Everyone congratulated the administration for acting so quickly — and then promptly forgot about it.
In June 1998, the Judiciary Committee continued the investigation of CUSA. Interest intensified when they heard that a similar plan was in the works for the 2000 presidential election.
In the course of the investigation, they discovered that FBI arrest records were still missing from the proper files; many were still in boxes. They unearthed that several individuals who had been naturalized illegally were now trying to sponsor their relatives for citizenship. They found sponsors unable to speak a word of English, a condition that should have prevented naturalization. Similarly, they uncovered arrest records or other information that should have been disqualifiers for naturalization. INS agents who had found these irregularities were ordered to ignore them and to revoke citizenship only in cases ordered by the auditors.
Thousands of criminals are now citizens of the United States because it was assumed they would vote for Bill Clinton and Al Gore.
===Chinagate 2.0===
===Chinagate 2.0===
{{See also|Chinagate fundraising scandal}}
{{See also|Chinagate fundraising scandal}}