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| | Le Monde, the French newspaper (August 17 , 1956), quoted the Damascus daily, Al Manar: | | Le Monde, the French newspaper (August 17 , 1956), quoted the Damascus daily, Al Manar: |
| | 'One should not forget that in contrast to Europe, Hitler occupied an honoured place in the Arab World. Journalists are mistaken if they think that by calling Nasser Hitler they are hurting us, on the contrary, his name makes us proud. Long live Hitler, the Nazi who struck at the hearts of our enemies! Long live the Hitler of the Arab World...!'}}</ref><ref name=wistrich2020>Wistrich, Robert S.. [https://books.google.com/books?id=VVLbDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT211 Between Redemption & Perdition: Modern Antisemitism and Jewish Identity]. United Kingdom: Taylor & Francis, 2020. | | 'One should not forget that in contrast to Europe, Hitler occupied an honoured place in the Arab World. Journalists are mistaken if they think that by calling Nasser Hitler they are hurting us, on the contrary, his name makes us proud. Long live Hitler, the Nazi who struck at the hearts of our enemies! Long live the Hitler of the Arab World...!'}}</ref><ref name=wistrich2020>Wistrich, Robert S.. [https://books.google.com/books?id=VVLbDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT211 Between Redemption & Perdition: Modern Antisemitism and Jewish Identity]. United Kingdom: Taylor & Francis, 2020. |
| − | <blockquote> | + | <blockquote><small> |
| | Zionism with Nazism, though this did not become a central theme in the Arab war on Israel until fairly recently. ... | | Zionism with Nazism, though this did not become a central theme in the Arab war on Israel until fairly recently. ... |
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| | Nor was Haj Amin el-Husseini an exceptional case. The Nazi regime aroused a high degree of enthusiasm throughout the Arab world – in Egypt, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon as well as Palestine. Its nationalist fervour, [[militarism]], fanatical antisemitism, and opposition to Anglo-French hegemony inspired many Arab nationalist leaders, intellectuals, and youth between the wars. Both Nasser and Sadat, among the Free Officers in Egypt, were admirers of Hitler and looked to Nazi Germany to free them from British rule. It is no accident, therefore, that in the 1950s a number of Arab countries, and especially Egypt and Syria, were to serve as havens for Nazi war criminals in hiding. Some of the most notorious of these, like Johann von Leers and Leopold Gleim, converted to Islam and continued to act as political advisers and experts on 'Jewish affairs' to the Arab regimes in war with Israel. | | Nor was Haj Amin el-Husseini an exceptional case. The Nazi regime aroused a high degree of enthusiasm throughout the Arab world – in Egypt, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon as well as Palestine. Its nationalist fervour, [[militarism]], fanatical antisemitism, and opposition to Anglo-French hegemony inspired many Arab nationalist leaders, intellectuals, and youth between the wars. Both Nasser and Sadat, among the Free Officers in Egypt, were admirers of Hitler and looked to Nazi Germany to free them from British rule. It is no accident, therefore, that in the 1950s a number of Arab countries, and especially Egypt and Syria, were to serve as havens for Nazi war criminals in hiding. Some of the most notorious of these, like Johann von Leers and Leopold Gleim, converted to Islam and continued to act as political advisers and experts on 'Jewish affairs' to the Arab regimes in war with Israel. |
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| − | Given the immense sympathy for Hitler and Nazism in the Arab world in the 1950s and early 1960s, it was unlikely that a theory of Zionist Nazism could take firm root. When a leading Arab intellectual like Sadat's intimate friend, Anis Mansour, could write that 'The world is now aware of the fact that Hitler was right', or when a paper like the Jordanian English-language daily, the Jerusalem Times, could console Eichmann that his trial would 'one day culminate in the liquidation of the remaining six million to avenge your blood', there was little sense in accusing Israel of pursuing Hitlerian policies. On the contrary, the trend was to identify with neo-Nazi forces all over the world; this was Nasser's policy as it is...</blockquote></ref> | + | Given the immense sympathy for Hitler and Nazism in the Arab world in the 1950s and early 1960s, it was unlikely that a theory of Zionist Nazism could take firm root. When a leading Arab intellectual like Sadat's intimate friend, Anis Mansour, could write that 'The world is now aware of the fact that Hitler was right', or when a paper like the Jordanian English-language daily, the Jerusalem Times, could console Eichmann that his trial would 'one day culminate in the liquidation of the remaining six million to avenge your blood', there was little sense in accusing Israel of pursuing Hitlerian policies. On the contrary, the trend was to identify with neo-Nazi forces all over the world; this was Nasser's policy as it is...</small></blockquote></ref> |
| | When Nasser took on the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s': <i>During this period, the Grand Mufti maintained close relations with the burgeoning Nazi exile community in Cairo, while cultivating ties to right-wing extremists in the United States and other countries</i>.<ref name=splc-2002>Intelligence Report: A Project of the Southern Poverty Law Center, Iss. 105-108, Klanwatch, 2002, [https://books.google.com/books?&id=m7YbAQAAMAAJ&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=%22Karl+von+Kyna%22 p. 20]</ref> | | When Nasser took on the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s': <i>During this period, the Grand Mufti maintained close relations with the burgeoning Nazi exile community in Cairo, while cultivating ties to right-wing extremists in the United States and other countries</i>.<ref name=splc-2002>Intelligence Report: A Project of the Southern Poverty Law Center, Iss. 105-108, Klanwatch, 2002, [https://books.google.com/books?&id=m7YbAQAAMAAJ&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=%22Karl+von+Kyna%22 p. 20]</ref> |
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